Throttlebottom’s Revenge How Political Satire Shaped the Perception of the Vice Presidency Natalie Meyer The vice presidency of the United States proves to be a paradoxical position, with a sordid history of murder, deceit, incompetence, and ignorance paired with the illustrious, whitewashed façade of the second in command. Although so close to near absolute power over the executive branch, the position itself holds little power, save for what the president chooses to give his symbolic “right hand man.” Many of the fundamental problems within the office stem from the ambiguity of the constitution and the failed vision for the vice presidency. Without direction from the constitution, guidance from an attentive president, or common sense, many vice presidents faltered, making mistakes that damaged the perception of the vice presidency. Amendments to the constitution gradually clarified the role of the vice presidency because of the deplorable history of vice-presidential incompetence and public pressure brought on by honest political satire. One of the most influential and biting accounts of vice presidential satire, the 1931 Pulitzer Prize winning Broadway musical “Of Thee I Sing,” remained culturally relevant and effective decades after its initial release because it referenced the true fundamental flaws of the vice-presidential position. Referencing the early problems with the nomination process, “Of Thee I Sing” directed the public’s attention back to the mistakes within the constitution and how the nomination process described in the twelfth amendment resulted in a long history of vice-presidential incompetence. Earlier satirists had already pounced on vice-presidential mistakes, from the massive blunders of Aaron Burr, to the seemingly insignificant mistakes of George 2 Clinton. While it was painfully clear during Woodrow Wilson’s disability crisis that the constitution did not establish a clear line of succession, it was not until the debut of “Of Thee I Sing” that politicians attempted to clarify the constitution through the twentieth amendment. The play inspired satirical criticism of subsequent problems that emerged, and the criticism led to the twenty-fifth amendment in 1967. While the amendment clearly established the line of succession, the problems of vice presidential incompetence and the roles and responsibilities of the office still remain unsolved and forgotten, save for the occasional biting reminder brought by satire. In 1931, "Of Thee I Sing" opened on Broadway with sterling reviews for its acute political satire of the presidency and vice presidency. In the play, Alexander Throttlebottom, a candidate for the vice presidency, bumbles incompetently and ineptly through the campaign. At one point, he goes into hiding, becoming a hermit, because he fears that his presence might ruin the campaign. After his election, Throttlebottom sneaks into the Oval Office via a guided tour, as he confesses that he was not aware that politicians were allowed inside the White House unsupervised. When asked what he did during his term as vice president, Throttlebottom, speaking about himself in the third person, replies that he “sits around in the park, and feeds the pigeons, and takes walks, and goes to the movies. The other day he was going to join the library, but he had to have two references, so he couldn't get in.”1 Perhaps Throttlebottom's most endearing quality is his honest, sincere ignorance. With no inkling of proper proceedings or decorum, Throttlebottom does everything to the best of his ability, but his attempts always fall just short of sub par. 1 George S. Kaufman and Morrie Ryskind, Of Thee I Sing (New York: Alfred A Knopf, 1932). 2 3 The scathing interpretation of the vice presidency in "Of Thee I Sing" unraveled public confidence in the office. While politicians are no strangers to searing satire, the massive backlash against the vice presidency painted the position as a superfluous, ridiculous office. In a reaffirmation of its incalculable influence, the play won the Pulitzer Prize for Drama in 1932. The Pulitzer Prize Committee stated: This award may seem unusual, but the play is unusual… it is biting and true satire on American politics and the public attitude toward them... Its effect on the stage promises to be very considerable, because… by injecting genuine satire and point into them, a very large public is reached… [It] has a freshness and vitality which are both unusual and admirable. The play is genuine, and it is felt the prize could not serve a better purpose than to recognize such work.2 In spite of the Pulitzer Prize Committee's decision, many audience members and critics alike questioned if the representation of Throttlebottom, and the vice presidency, was fair. In one of the early jabs at the vice presidency, two campaign managers, Gilhooley and Fulton, struggle to remember the name of their party's vice presidential candidate. Every time Throttlebottom calls the manager’s hotel room, either Gilhooley or Fulton unceremoniously hangs up on the politician, as they simply have no idea who the mysterious caller may be. Finally, after nearly an entire scene of bewilderment, the managers finally discuss the nomination of the supposed candidate after realizing that they do, in deed, have a vice presidential candidate after all: Gilhooley: Well, think a minute. How did you come to nominate [Throttlebottom]? Lippman: Who introduced him to you? Fulton: Nobody introduced him. I picked his name out of a hat. We put a lot of names in a hat, and this fellow lost.3 2 The Pulitzer Prize Committee, Announcement of the Pulitzer Prize, in Of Thee I Sing. 3 Kaufman and Ryskind, Of Thee I Sing p. 11. 3 4 For some audiences, the banter demeaned nomination standards, while others praised the criticism of a seemingly flawed process. The jab at the unimportance of the vice presidency alluded to the perception of the office as a throwaway position. After all, even the presidential candidate in “Of Thee I Sing,” John P. Wintergreen, cannot remember Throttlebottom’s name, and snatches Alexander’s snack right out of his hand, thinking that the vice presidential candidate must be a waiter or hotel worker. While the constitution should have been the backbone of the vice presidency, propping up the worthiness and responsibilities of the position, the constitution originally failed to shape the office effectively. Initially, the original constitutional provisions for electing both the president and vice president worked well. However, John Adams, the first vice president famously said, "I am the Vice President. In this, I am nothing. But I may be everything."4 Adams understood the paradoxical expectation of the vice presidency: almost a duty to be seen, but not heard in politics. Venting his frustrations over the powerlessness of the office, Adams correctly perceived the inherent problem with having a weak, ineffective position with such a high profile and potential for power. Like Adams, Throttlebottom understood the power, or lack thereof, of the office, as he religiously ducks out of campaign functions to become a hermit during Wintergreen’s campaign. Initially, before the ratification of the twelfth amendment, the vice-presidential position was filled by the candidate with the second highest number of votes. This was enacted to prevent the Alexander Throttlebottoms of the world from becoming vice president. In theory, the two most qualified politicians would be elected to the presidency 4As quoted in Michael Dorman, The Second Man, ( New York: Delacorte Press, 1968), p.6. 4 5 and vice presidency, respectively. The initial provision of Article II, Section 1 of the constitution stated that "the executive power shall be vested in a President of the United States of America... together with the Vice-President...In every case, after the choice of President, the person having the greatest number of votes of the electors shall be the Vice-President. But if there should remain two or more who have equal votes, the Senate shall choose from them by ballot the Vice-President."5 The Founding Fathers envisioned that the two highest, most qualified individuals would fill the presidency and vice presidency; however, with the emergence of the two-party system, that voting method proved unfeasible, allowing numerous Throttlebottoms to slip through the campaign process. While the initial idea of ambiguous voting seemed logical, since voters could not distinguish between which candidate they had chosen for the presidency or vice presidency, John Adams nabbed the presidency in 1797. However, his opposing candidate with the second highest number of votes, Thomas Jefferson, became the vice president by default. The nearly black and white differences between Adams and Jefferson destroyed the potential for a cooperative union. The dissention within the administration demonstrated the limitations of the vice president's power, contradicting the previous assumption that the vice president and president automatically entered into a cooperative, symbiotic relationship. In the election of 1800, a tie occurred within the same party. Both Thomas Jefferson and his supposed vice-presidential pick, Aaron Burr, tied with enough votes to become president. Aaron Burr made a grab for the title role as president. Jefferson, seen 5 The Constitution of the United States of America Article II, Section 1. 5 6 as the lesser of two Democratic Republican evils by the Federalists in the House of Representatives, won the tiebreaker, despite the conflict within both parties over the decision. Aaron Burr, elected as the vice president instead of the president, continued in the Adams-Jefferson tradition of personal and professional conflicts. While Burr had the potential to contribute actively and positively to the Jefferson administration, his vice presidency damaged the perception of the office with enduring consequences. Unlike the innocent and loveable Throttlebottom, Burr earned a sordid reputation. Burr ran for Governor of New York without his party's loyalty, and slunk back to Washington when he lost.