The Interaction Between Ethnic Relations and State Power: a Structural Impediment to the Industrialization of China, 1850-1911

The Interaction Between Ethnic Relations and State Power: a Structural Impediment to the Industrialization of China, 1850-1911

Georgia State University ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University Sociology Dissertations Department of Sociology 5-27-2008 The Interaction between Ethnic Relations and State Power: A Structural Impediment to the Industrialization of China, 1850-1911 Wei Li Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.gsu.edu/sociology_diss Part of the Sociology Commons Recommended Citation Li, Wei, "The Interaction between Ethnic Relations and State Power: A Structural Impediment to the Industrialization of China, 1850-1911." Dissertation, Georgia State University, 2008. https://scholarworks.gsu.edu/sociology_diss/33 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Department of Sociology at ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Sociology Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE INTERACTION BETWEEN ETHNIC RELATIONS AND STATE POWER: A STRUCTURAL IMPEDIMENT TO THE INDUSTRIALIZATION OF CHINA, 1850-1911 by WEI LI Under the Direction of Toshi Kii ABSTRACT The case of late Qing China is of great importance to theories of economic development. This study examines the question of why China’s industrialization was slow between 1865 and 1895 as compared to contemporary Japan’s. Industrialization is measured on four dimensions: sea transport, railway, communications, and the cotton textile industry. I trace the difference between China’s and Japan’s industrialization to government leadership, which includes three aspects: direct governmental investment, government policies at the macro-level, and specific measures and actions to assist selected companies and industries. Compared to the Meiji government, the Chinese government’s role in all of the three aspects was insufficient. Furthermore, I explore why the Chinese government did not lead China’s economic development efficiently. The Manchu question—Manchu rule of Qing China and Manchu supremacy over other ethnic groups—triggered ethnic rebellions between the early 1850s and the early 1870s, which severely undermined the government in economic, political, and military terms. Ethnic rebellions in turn were caused by the government’s unequal ethnic policies that had established an ethnic hierarchy in the empire. Moreover, the government spent a disproportionate amount of funds on the Manchu stipend to financially support the group compared to the government’s investment in modern industries. The Manchu question surfaced after 1895 in the sense that pro-dynastic reforms attempted to deal with it. The 1911 Revolution eventually brought the Manchu question to an end. INDEX WORDS: Qing government, Ethnic relations, Industrialization, Eight Banner system, Ethnic Inequality THE INTERACTION BETWEEN ETHNIC RELATIONS AND STATE POWER: A STRUCTURAL IMPEDIMENT TO THE INDUSTRIALIZATION OF CHINA, 1850-1911 by WEI LI A Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the College of Arts and Sciences Georgia State University 2008 Copyright by Wei Li 2008 THE INTERACTION BETWEEN ETHNIC RELATIONS AND STATE POWER: A STRUCTURAL IMPEDIMENT TO THE INDUSTRIALIZATION OF CHINA, 1850-1911 by WEI LI Committee Chair: Toshi Kii Committee: Heying Zhan Charles Gallagher Douglas Reynolds Kim Reimann Electronic Version Approved: Office of Graduate Studies College of Arts and Sciences Georgia State University August 2008 iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am grateful to my committee members for guiding me through the long process of writing this dissertation. Toshi Kii accepted my request to be the chair at a critical time. Both Toshi Kii and Jenny Zhan helped me to revise the manuscript several times. Kim Reimann and Douglas Reynolds provide insightful comments as well. I thank Chip Gallagher for his understanding. Behrooz Ghamari commented on the first draft of this project. My parents and my brother Lei funded my research trip to China. Finally I thank Jiahong for her patience and encouragement. v TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iv LIST OF TABLES viii CHAPTER I. AN INTRODUCTION 1 Existing Explanations 3 Theoretical Framework of the Study 10 II. ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL CONTEXT 15 The Manchu Question 19 Central Research Question 23 III. DESIGN OF THE PROJECT 26 A Multiple Disciplinary Approach to China’s Industrialization 26 Why Do I Include Japan in This Study 28 Formulation of the Hypothesis 29 Qing Political Structure 32 Archival and Primary Data 37 Data Used in the Case Chapters 40 Clarification of Terminology 41 Outlines of the Case Chapters 48 IV. STATE POWER AND THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE QING 52 The Rise of the Later Jin and the Making of the Manchus 53 The Influence of State Power on Manchu Culture 58 The Qing Conquest of the Mongols 60 Mechanisms for Ruling the Mongols 66 The Qing Conquest of the Chinese 69 Mechanisms for Ruling the Chinese 74 vi The Qing Conquest of the Miao 77 Mechanisms for Ruling the Miao 79 The Qing Conquest of the Uyghurs 82 Mechanisms for Ruling the Uyghurs 83 The Qing Conquest of the Tibetans 85 Mechanisms for Ruling the Tibetans 86 Conclusion 91 V. MANCHU-CHINESE INEQUALITIES IN THE QING 93 Manchu-Chinese Inequalities 93 Manchu-Chinese Segregation 97 The State’s Measures to Maintain Ethnic Boundaries 98 State-Sanctioned Ethnic Hierarchy in the Qing 106 Conclusion 117 VI. ETHNIC CONFLICTS AND CONSEQUENCES 122 Anti-Manchu Rebellions before the Taiping Rebellion 122 The Taiping Rebellion 126 The Taiping Domino Effect 133 Socioeconomic Implications of Ethnic Rebellions 137 Impact of Ethnic Rebellions on the State 140 Conclusion 145 VII. THE INDUSTRIALIZATION OF CHINA BETWEEN 1865 AND 1895: 146 COMPARISON WITH CONTEMPORARY JAPAN Foundations of Industrialization 148 International Environment: Relations with the West by 1895 150 Modern Development: 1865-1895 153 The State’s Role 160 vii The Manchu Stipend and Qing Finances 171 Manchus vis-à-vis Samurai 179 Conclusion 186 VIII. THE DECLINE OF STATE POWER AND THE CHINESE SHOWDOWN 189 ON THE MANCHU QUESTION: 1895-1911 The Surfacing of the Manchu Question 189 Anti-Manchu Propaganda by the Revolutionaries 195 Anti-Manchu Armed Revolts 210 Summary 217 IX. SUMMARY AND DISCUSSION 219 Summary of the Study 219 China and Japan in Theories of Economic Development 221 State and Ethnic Relations 227 Ethnic Relations and Chinese Nationalism 280 Further Research 234 REFERENCES 237 APPENDICES A: A Document by Hong Rengan 251 B: Proclamation on the Extermination of Demons 252 C: A Document by Hong Rengan 254 D: The First Proclamation by Yang and Xiao 256 E: The Second Proclamation by Yang and Xiao 257 F: The Third Proclamation by Yang and Xiao 260 G: Confession by Xiong Chengji 261 H: A Speech Draft by Qiu Jin 263 I: Proclamation by Qiu Jin 264 viii LIST OF TABLES Table 6.1 Qing Military Expenses on Quelling down Ethnic Rebellions 138 Table 6.2 Qing Silver Reserve during the Period of the Taiping Rebellion 139 Table 7.1 Provincial Banner Soldiers’ Monthly Pay 173 Table 7.2 Capital Soldiers’ Monthly Pay 173 Table 7.3 Number of Capital Banner Soldiers in 1851 173 Table 7.4 Number of Capital Banner Troops 173 Table 7.5 Number of Provincial Banner Troops 174 Table 7.6 Simplified Version of Capital Banner Troops’ Stipend 174 1 CHAPTER I: AN INTRODUCTION Late Qing China’s economic transformation is of great importance to modern Chinese history and the geopolitics of modern East Asia. China began to industrialize during the Self-Strengthening Movement (1861-95). The main thrust of this movement was military modernization and industrialization (1865-95). The movement lasted roughly three decades. In 1895 it ended abruptly with China’s defeat in the Sino-Japanese War. In retrospect, the movement signified the first stage of China’s industrialization. During this period China began to change from a traditional agrarian society to a modern industrial society. As of 1895, a number of large-scale modern factories and facilities had been constructed in China. These projects were built by imitating Western technology and production and were new and foreign to the Chinese at the time. With the establishment of modern factories, capitalist relations of production appeared in China. Hence in socioeconomic terms the aforementioned three decades mark a period of significant changes in Chinese history. The aforementioned changes notwithstanding, industrialization was slow in speed, limited in scope, and moderate in outcome when compared to that of contemporary Japan. The difference between the two countries had calamitous impact for China. Lacking a solid modern economic base to sustain its military campaign, China lost the Sino-Japanese War in 1895. Consequently, China suffered significant financial and territorial losses. China had suffered qualitatively similar losses inflicted by Western powers, but nothing was comparable in scale. For instance, China paid 14.7 million taels1 of silver to Britain after the Opium War as compensation (Zhou 2000: 81). After the Sino-French War (1883-1884), China paid nothing to France. However, the Treaty of Maguan (Japanese: Shimonoseki) signed after the war stipulated that China pay 230 million taels of silver to Japan in three years and cede Taiwan to Japan (ibid: 318). Worse, the war ushered in a wave of territorial, financial, and political demands by imperial powers. China’s international relations deteriorated. Internally the war had a major impact on China’s 1 A tael is approximately 37 grams. As an indicator of the relative value of a tael of silver, here I cite the amount of banner soldiers’ monthly stipend. The monthly stipend of banner soldiers stationed in the capital varied between 2-4 tales depending on rank (Ding 2003: 220). The stipend was supposed to support the soldier and his family members. 2 sociopolitical structure. The Qing government began to loose its ability to control and administer the society. A decade or so later, the Qing dynasty was subverted, which marked the end of dynastic empires that had existed in China for more than 2,000 years.

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