Studia Linguistica Universitatis Iagellonicae Cracoviensis 135 (2018): 171–176 doi:10.4467/20834624SL.18.015.8851 www.ejournals.eu/Studia-Linguistica VÍT BOČEK Czech Academy of Sciences, Brno [email protected] THE ETYMOLOGY OF THE SLAVONIC NAME FOR ERMINE (MUSTELA ERMINEA) II: A NEW PROPOSAL1 Keywords: Slavonic etymology, ermine, *gornostajь/*gornostalь Abstract The author discusses possible motivations for naming the ermine in Slavonic, adopts and further elaborates on the etymology of Common Slavonic *gornostajь/*gornostalь given by Černych (< Indo-European *g her- ‘warm, hot; get warm’), which eventually leads to a new, alternative solution based on the connection with the Indo-European root *erH- ‘blacken, get/be black’. 5. Motivations In the previous part of this paper, we have found that researchers tried to find a mo- tivation for naming the ermine in Slavonic in the colour of its fur, in its stink, nose shape, and behaviour. Presumably, the first two motivations, the colour of the fur or the stink, are more probable because they are apparently the most conspicuous characteristics of this animal. I would subscribe to the colour, because that is quite frequent in Slavonic and other Indo-European words for animals of the family Mustelidae. In addition to the Germanic and Baltic names of ermine derived from Indo-European *k’er- ‘grey’, mentioned in the section (1) of the first part of the paper, three other Common Slavonic words are often (though definitely not unanimously) 1 The paper was written with the support of a grant from the Czech Science Foundation (No. 13–17435S). I thank Christina Dejkova (Sofia) for helping me with a reference and Václav Blažek (Brno) for useful comments. 172 VÍT BOČEK explained as derived from a colour: *kuna ‘marten’ (~ Lithuanian kiaunė, Latvian caūna, caūne, Old Prussian caune ‘marten’ < Indo-European *k’eu- ‘to shine, gleam; light, bright’, cf. Pokorny 1959–1969, 1: 594; for a discussion, see Havlová 2010: 140), *lasica, *lasъka ‘weasel’ (~ Latvian adjective luōss ‘yellow with a grey tone’; for a dis- cussion, see Havlová 2010: 142), and *jězvьcь ‘badger’ (< H2eig’- ‘to shine, gleam’; the designation would be due to white patches on the head and neck; for a discussion, see Havlová 2010: 137–138). Another word for ermine derived from a colour, this time white, is Old Prussian gaylux (< Old Prussian *gaila- ‘white’, cf. Mažiulis 2013: 205). Thus, Černych’s (1993) connection of the Slavonic word for ermine with the root *gher- ‘warm, hot; get warm’ (cf. the section (4) of the first part of the paper) seems the most plausible. 6. Elaborating on Černych’s solution Formally, Černych’s solution is without problems. In my view, however, the semantic part of Černych’s explanation could be modified. The author presupposes the moti- vation by brown, flamelike colour of the ermine’s summer fur. However, the Indo- European root *gher- allows for yet another colour, namely black (‘warm, hot’ → ‘burn’ → ‘be burnt, charred’ → ‘be black’). With respect to this, I refer to a very characteristic feature of ermine fur that entirely escaped the attention of the research- ers and proposers of the extant hypotheses. A typical attribute of the ermine’s coat, distinguishing it from other members of the family Mustelidae, is the black colour of its tail-tip. Importantly, the tail-tip remains black permanently, while the rest of the fur changes seasonally: in winter the fur is all white; in summer it has various tones of brown on the back and head (cf. the motivation preferred by Černych), and white below. In my opinion, the stability of the tail-tip colour might have represented a good motivation for naming the animal. 7. New proposal Apart from the root *g her- ‘warm, hot; get warm’, another Indo-European root with similar semantics can perhaps be considered as a promising candidate: the Indo- European *erH- ‘to burn (up); to be burnt; to get → have a colour of something burnt = to blacken → to be black’ (see Pokorny 1959–1969, 1: 1166). In Slavonic and Baltic, the following words designating animals of dark or black colours were derived from this root with the n-suffix or extension: Common Slavonic masculine *vornъ ‘raven’ (> Old Church Slavonic vranъ, Bulgarian dialectal and Macedonian vran, Serbo-Croatian and Slovene vrȃn, Old Czech vran, Lower Sorbian wron, Pol- ish obsolete and dialectal wron, Belorussian dialectal vóran, vóron, Ukrainian and Russian vóron ~ Lithuanian vanas, Old Prussian warnis); from it, the feminine *vorna ‘crow’ ← *‘belonging to raven, similar to raven’ was derived (> Bulgarian vrána, Macedonian vrana, Serbo-Croatian vrȁna, Slovene vrána, Slovak vrana, The etymology of the Slavonic name for ermine (Mustela erminea) II 173 Czech vrána, Upper Sorbian wróna, Polabian vorno, Polish wrona, Belorussian varóna, Ukrainian and Russian voróna ~ Lithuanian várna ‘crow’, Old Prussian warnis ‘raven’, warne ‘crow’, Latvian vārna ‘crow’); the Common Slavonic adjec- tive *vornъ ‘black (mainly of horses)’ (> Old Church Slavonic vranъ, Bulgarian colloquial and Macedonian vran, Serbo-Croatian and obsolete Slovene vrȃn, Slovak and Czech vraný, Old Polish and obsolete wrony, Belorussian varaný, Ukrainian voronýj, Russian voronój).2 If Common Slavonic *gornostajь/*gornostalь ‘ermine’ should be added to this nest, a sporadic change of v () > g must be assumed. Such a change is rare, but it is attested in other Slavonic words. Let us mention some examples. Perhaps not a change, but a variation of prothetic g ~ v before the nasal vowel ǫ is often presupposed in the following two Common Slavonic words: *vǫsěnica// *gǫsěnica ‘caterpillar’ and *gǫžьvь/*gǫžьva/*gǫžь ‘withy’ ~ *vęzati ‘to tie’, *ǫzъkъ ‘narrow’, etc. (cf. Čalăkov 1968; recently Lekova 2006; for compet- ing explanations, see ESJS, 4: 196; 10: 614 and 620–621). The sporadic change of v > g is attested in individual Slavonic languages word-initially as well as word- internally: cf. Kashubian and Slovincian gdova ‘widow’, gdȯvc ‘widower’ < Com- mon Slavonic *vьdova, *vьdovьcь (Sychta 1967–1976, 1: 317; PW, 1: 207), Kashubian grȯbel ‘sparrow’, Slovincian grȯbäl ‘sparrow’ < Common Slavonic *vorbъl’ь (Sychta 1967–1976, 1: 363; PW, 1: 233; cf. also Lorentz 1958–1962, 2: 589); dialectal Slovene zgȗn ‘bell’ (< Common Slavonic *zvonъ), zgor ‘court, yard’ (< *dgor < Common Slavonic *dvorъ; cf. Ramovš 1924: 160–161), dialectal Czech pohříslo < povříslo ‘straw binder’ (Gebauer 1894–1929, 1: 431). Slightly different phenomenon, but still worth noting here, is the loss of v in *gvo-, *chvo- clusters, as attested, for instance, in Serbo-Croatian dialectal gȍzd ‘iron pole’, Upper Sorbian hózdź ‘nail, tack’, Polish dialectal goźdź ‘bung, spigot’ (< Common Slavonic *gvozdь ‘nail’, cf. ESJS, 4: 212, see also Schaarschmidt 1997: 129).3 The change of v () > g is also known from other Indo-European languages. In Armenian, one of the three regular reflexes of Indo-European * is g, word-initially (Armenian get ‘river’ < Indo-European *ed- ‘water’) as well as word-internally (see Schmitt 1981: 69–70). In Welsh and Breton, initial Indo-European changed to gw, cf., e.g., Breton and Welsh gwir ‘true’ < Indo-European *ēro- ‘true’ (for a detailed analysis, see Jackson 1986: 427–473). The transition of v () to g is also attested word-initially as a kind of sound substitution in loanwords from one language to another. This phenomenon is well known from words of Germanic origin in Romance languages, cf. Gothic wadi ‘guarantee’ > French gage ‘guarantee’, Gothic walus ‘staff, rod’ > Frenchgaule ‘rod’, Germanic *werra ‘confusion, turmoil’ > Italian guerra, French guerre ‘war’ (Meyer-Lübke 1935: 791, 793, 796; see also Čevelová, Blažek 2009: 160–161). Similarly, prothetic g- is added to English loanwords in Welsh (e.g., Welsh gwiced ‘wicket, gate’ < English wicket) or to French loanwords in Breton (e.g., Breton gwagen 2 For a thorough list of forms, other possible Indo-European cognates, and competing hypoth- eses concerning word formation relations (adjective > noun, or vice versa), see ESJS (18: 1081) with references. 3 Cf. also the change of preposition v ‘in, to’ and prefix v- to (γ >) h/x in individual Slavonic languages or dialects (see Stanislav 1956–1973, 1: 537–538, with references). 174 VÍT BOČEK ‘wave’ < English wave; see Parry-Williams 1913: 87–88). In Slavonic, a comparable substitution is attested in Czech hastrman ‘water sprite’ < Middle High German waʒʒerman ‘a water monster’ (Newerkla 2011: 175). The examples given above in- dicate that the shift under discussion can have two stages: (1)v () > g , (2) g > g. In some cases, only the first step has taken place, in others both of them. In fact, this development is more common than one would guess, as corroborated by other examples gathered by Kümmel in his typology of sound changes (see Kümmel 2007: 277, 378, 379, 381, 396, 400, 417 with references). Never the less, although the mentioned parallel developments affirm that the change is possible, we still have to explain, or at least suggest, why the change would happen in the Slavonic word for ermine and not in other words with initial v-, especially those of the same root *orn-, i.e., *vornъ and *vorna. A plausible explanation might be that the change occurred for taboo reasons. Within the family Mustelidae, the main “mighty animal” in the wider Indo-European context is the weasel (for an overview of its alleged negative and positive powers, see HDA, 9: 576–600; see also Havers 1946: 50–51). Among Slavonic peoples, however, the words for all members of the family Mustelidae display a great variety of symbolic meanings (for a detailed overview, see Gura 1997: 199–257 with specific passages on individual animals, including ermine). By and large, ermine plays an important role mainly in Slavonic chthonic and marriage symbolism (cf. SD, 1: 522). As always with this kind of data, it is hard to detect whether it reflects an ancient, Common Slavonic tradition, but the change in the beginning of the Slavonic word for ermine for taboo reasons cannot be excluded.