Durham E-Theses The economic and social conditions of lead miners in the Northern Pennines in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries Hunt, Christopher John How to cite: Hunt, Christopher John (1968) The economic and social conditions of lead miners in the Northern Pennines in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/9958/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk 2 The ^ponomic and ^nn^.^ nonditlons of lead miners in the, Northe nine Hunt uinma submitted M. Litt. of the Univf^rsitv of Durham. 1968. In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries the lead mining industry of the IJorthern Pennines passed through a managerial and industrial revolution. Superficially, life , in the lead mining dales changed less between 1750 and I85O than in the neighbouring coal fields and-shipyards. The wild and romantic Pennine scenery remained little corrupted by industrialisation. Mining continued ;to be governed by an apparently unchanged' elaborate system of sub contract. But population increased by a factor of three or four, and below the surface ( metaphorically speaking ) social institutions changed fundamentally. Technological advances in underground haulage and in ore dressing at the beginning of the nineteenth century forced organisational changes on the mine owners. In these fields sub - contracting was either abolished, or regulated so closely that the sub-contractors were direct employees in all but name. The contracts governing actual ore getting became tighter, reducing the practical status of the theoretically independent miner to that of an employee. The proportion of agents to workmen increased, allowing greater supervision. The miners were .paid more regularly - and were:expected to work more regularly. 2. Outside working hours there was little of their social life not influenced by the mine owners by I85O. Education, churches and chapels, benefit societies, even organised amusements were provided or subsidized lay the mining companies. But, misdemeanours in private life - drunkenness, fathering a bastard child, etc. - were as much the province of managerial discipline as any offence during working hours. By I85O, at work and outside, the lead miner was dominated by his employer, QLANGLEY MILL WHITFIELD o ALLENDALE TOWN J' 3 N 0 R T H U M^B E( R L A • ^ ^5^*=ro^HUNSTANW0RTH ^ y ^ • . • . ALLENHEADS '"0 )JOHN'S U'M B-E:R'^I A 1^ D-y' , MIDDLETON-IN-TEESOALE THELEAD MININGREGION OF THE NORTHERN PENNINES SCALE J MILES. The Economic and Social Conditions of Lead Miners in the Northern Penn°ines in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries By Christopher John Hunt A thesis presented for the Degree of Master of Letters of the University of Durham, 1968 The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. No quotation from it should be published without his prior wrinen consent and information derived from it should be acknowledged. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I should like to record my thanks to the following for help received during the writing of this thesisJ- All the private owners, archivists and librarians who have allowed me access to books and papers. Mr. John Knipe and his staff at the Atlas of Northern England drawing office for help with the general map of the lead mining region. DTO Mark Hughes for allowing me to quote statistics compiled for his own thesis, and for helpful suggestions regarding sources. My mother for typing the final version of this thesis on to .llithographic masters. My wife for typing the first draft and for constructive criticism throughout. Professor Kingsley Dunham for reading and criticising certain chapters. Professor Edward Allen who has helped me at every stage of the compilation and writing of this thesis. COKTEATS. Chapter 1 - Introduction. pp. 1-12. Physical geography and climate of the mining region. 1. Settlements. 2. CommuEii cat i ons. 5. Importance of lead mining to the inhabitants. 5. The mining region. 7. Alston. 7. Allendale. 8. Weardale. 8. Derwent. 9. Teesdale. 9. Tyne valley. 9. Sources used in writing this study. 10. Chapter 2 - The Lead Mines. pp<>13-5^» Geology of the mining region. 15- The lead mines. 15* Discovery. 15* Shafts and levels. 16. Supports. 20. Access. 21. The ore workings. 25. Underground haulage. 24. Mine drainage. 27* Water power versus steam power. 28. The miners' work. 32. Opening up a mine. 52. The approach to the vein. 55• Blasting. 56. Bringing out ore and deads. 570 Getting rid^of water. 59" Specialist workmen. 41. Accidents. 45. Ventilation. 44. Natural. 46. Artificial. 49- Effectiveness. 51* Chapter 5 - The Bargain System. pp.55-94. Nature of the bargain subcontract. 55* "Hirelings". 58. Bargain books. 60. Period. 60- Ritual. 61• Development of the bargain system. 65- Bingtale, Fathomtale, & Tontale. 65- Mechanisation of ore dressing. 66. VI \i London Lead Company nineteenth century changes. 67. Tribute and Tutwork in Derwent mines. 68- Beaiunont nineteenth century changes. 69- Fixing of place to be worked. 70- Tighter control over workmen in nineteenth century. 7I. Specialisation. 75. Partnership ..numbers. 73. Juvenile miners. 74. Few compared with collieries. 75» Work. 760 Wages. 77. Day-rate men. 780 Hours of work. 79. Friction points in bargain system. 84. Organisation of underground haulage. 85. Supply of tools, candles, and gunpowder. 90• Chapter 4 - Payment and Earnings. pp.95-1^1• Pays and subsistence. 95° Accounting system. 96• The Pays. 97» Date and frequency. 98. Subsistence. 103 * Eighteenth century irregularity. 105. Sums paid. 104. Why the system existed. 106. Pressure for change. 108« Nineteenth century changes. 111. Ceremonial. 11^. Individual payment of the miners. 117' The incomes of the miners. 119* Difficulty of settling on "average". 120. Statistical evidence. 121. Influence of the market price of lead. 123. Increasing expectations of miners. 127. Wage equalisation policies. 128. Chronological survey. 151. Friendly societies. 13*. Chapter 5 - Washers. Smelters. Carriers, and Agents. ^ pp:i42-199. Washing - Technology. 1*5' Eighteenth century. 1^. Nineteenth century mechanisation. 1*8. Washing organisation. 151. Eighteenth century. 152. Nineteenth century. 155- Work of washers. 156' VII Washing labour force. 158. Women. 158. Boys. 159. Hours of work. 161. Wages. 161o Niimbers of washers. 162. Smelting - Location of mills. 165. Smelting - Technology. 164. Smelting Organisation. 167. Competition for skilled men. 169* Payment and earnings. 172. Hours of work. 175. The carriers. I78. Organisation. 179. Payment. 184. Competition for their services. 185. Agents. 190. Increase in numbers in nineteenth century. 191» Career structure. 195* Salaries. 196. Perquisites. 198. Chapter 6 - Strikes and Industrial Disturbances. pp.200-225. The eighteenth century. 200. The London Lead Company in the nineteenth century. 202. The Beaumonts in the nineteenth century. 205. Particular strikes. Weardale 1795/96. 204. Weardale 1818. 208. Allenheads 1849- 212. Absence of trade unions. 225. Chapter 7 - The Pattern of Settlement. pp.226-278. Siting of settlements. 226. Nineteenth century land shortage. 229- Construction of dwellings. 250. Hoiises at Langley Mill. 252. Nineteenth century Nenthead. 235. Comparison with neighbouring communities. 255- Tenure. 257' Miners as part time farmers. 259. Access to and size of smallholdings. 241. Value of smallholdings to miners. 245- Value of smallholdings to mine owners and landlords. 244. Estate policies of mine owners. 244. Greenwich Hospital. 245. London Lead Company. 248. Blackett/Beaumonts. 249. Vl>\ Nature of farming. 251. Stock. 252. Parliamentary enclosure. 254. Terms of Acts. 255. Effects on smallholders. 256. Stimulus to improved farming methods. 261. Decline of lead mining. 264. Gardens. 265. Fuel. 267. Journey to work. 2^9* Growth of settlements around new mines. 271. Private lodgings. 273. Company lodging "shops"o 274. pp.279-509. Budgets of miners. 279. Evidence concerning food eaten. 280. Bread. 2810 Eye. 282. Masiin. 285. Barley. 285. Oatmeal. 286. Other foodstuffs. 289. Potatoes. 289. Vegetables. 290. Milk. 291. Meat. 291. Beverages. 292. Diet. 295. Supply of food. 295. Marketing. 296. Credit buying. 299. Help from the mining companies. 501. Co-operative buying. 507- Constant threat of shortages. 307. Chapter 9 - Population. Migration and the Poor. pp.510-5*5. Statistical evidence for population histoiry. 510. Eighteenth century poptilation. 512. Nineteenth century population. 516. Collapse of lead mining. 317. Factors in population change. 318. Exhaustion of mining field. 518. Growth of alternative industries. 521. Migration. 522. Into the region. 522. From and within the region. 524. Why? 525. Where? 551. Migration in the eighteen thirties. 55*. Eelief of the poor. 5*0. _ IX Chapter 10 - Health. pp.546-355- Vital- statistics of the mining region. 346. Early death of miners. 346. Pneumoconiosis. 348. Symptoms. 549. Attitude of miners towards health. 552. Attitude of mine owners towards health. 555. Medical provision. 554. Chapter 11 - Religion and Social Life. - pp.356-382. The Church of England in the eighteenth century. 356. Growth of Wesleyan Methodism. 565. Growth of Primitive Methodism. 568. Religious establishment in the mid nineteenth century. 5710 Crime. 572. Poaching. 373. Alcohol. 575- Freedom in eighteenth century. 575- Temperance enforced by mining companies in the nineteenth century. 578. Sports and pastimes. 580. Rough sports of the eighteenth century.