FROM SWINGER TO STATESMAN — CANADA COMES OF AGE IN THE TIME OF PIERRE ELLIOTT TRUDEAU Michael B. Stein and Janice Gross Stein Pierre Trudeau burst on the scene in the spring of 1968, in a season known as a Trudeaumania. “Why not? It’s spring,” he declared when a young female fan asked for a kiss. He famously proclaimed a vision of a “just society” in which the law would be an instrument of social tolerance, and economics a means of redistributing wealth. As a result, he left Canada a more tolerant and generous society, but one deeply in debt — the federal debt increased by over 1,000 percent during the Trudeau years. He pledged The Gazette, Montreal to put “Quebec in its place,” but insisted “its place is in Canada.” In the Official Languages Pierre Elliott Trudeau, prime minister Act of 1969, he did just that, sparking a decade-long backlash in English-speaking Canada from 1968 to 1979 and from 1980 to in the 1970s, a controversy that today seems as dim and distant as the one over the 1984. He left a more tolerant, generous Canadian flag in the 1960s. Hero of the 1980 referendum, he seized on the result to Canada, but also one deeply in debt. deliver a promise of constitutional change, which he realized in 1981-82 by patriating the Constitution with an entrenched Charter of Rights. On the world scene, he pursued the North-South dialogue and his 1983 peace initiative in an attempt to lower the temperature of the arms race. When he left office, after four terms and 15 years, the swinger had become a statesman. Michael B. Stein and Janice Gross Stein reflect on the 15th prime minister and conclude his time was a coming of age for Canada. Pierre Elliott Trudeau a pris la scène politique d’assaut au printemps de 1968, en cette mémorable saison où la « trudeaumanie » a déferlé sur tout le pays. «Pourquoi pas, puisque c’est le printemps », répondit-il d’ailleurs à une jeune admiratrice qui sollicitait un baiser. Selon sa célèbre vision d’une « société juste », la loi se devait d’être l’instrument d’une plus grande tolérance sociale et l’économie un moyen de redistribuer la richesse. Et de fait, le Canada est devenu sous son règne une société plus ouverte et plus généreuse, quoique sérieusement endettée : les années Trudeau ont vu la dette fédérale augmenter de 1 000 p. 100. Il voulait aussi donner au Québec la place qui lui revenait, insistant toutefois pour que ce soit dans le cadre fédéral. Comme le confirma la Loi sur les langues officielles de 1969, qui déclencha au Canada anglais une vive réaction qui se prolongea une décennie durant et semble aujourd’hui aussi lointaine que la controverse sur le drapeau canadien des années 1960. Héros du référendum de 1980, il promit des changements constitutionnels en cas de victoire du non et remplit sa promesse en 1981-1982, rapatriant la Constitution et y adjoignant une charte des droits et libertés. Sur la scène internationale, il intensifia le dialogue Nord-Sud et lança en 1983 une initiative de paix visant à réfréner la course aux armements. Quittant ses fonctions à l’issue de quatre mandats et 15 années de pouvoir, le noceur avait acquis la stature d’un homme d’État. Michael B. Stein et Janice Gross Stein analysent le parcours du quinzième premier ministre du pays et estiment qu’il a permis au Canada d’accéder à la maturité. ierre Elliott Trudeau became prime minister in 1968 in sparkled, and who delighted in challenging intellectual and an unparalleled frisson of public excitement. Brilliant, social convention. Trudeau was broadly travelled, worldly, P dashing, unconventional, fluently bilingual, the new and had come to office with few of the traditional political prime minister was a magnet that drew public interest. debts candidates generally accumulate. Looking at their new Canada had a prime minister whose lifestyle was unconven- prime minister, Canadians themselves felt less conventional tional, who dazzled in conversation, whose intellect and more engaged. Truly, a new era was beginning. 70 OPTIONS POLITIQUES JUIN-JUILLET 2003 From swinger to statesman — Canada comes of age in the time of Pierre Elliott Trudeau Trudeau came to the prime minis- impact on the attitudes of Canadians ship. The Official Languages Act, passed in tership with deeply held views about toward their system of government. It 1969, was designed to enhance official both domestic and foreign policy. As a transformed a highly deferential mass bilingualism in the upper echelons of the francophone from Quebec, he, like political culture into one that is much federal public service by requiring those many others, was preoccupied with the more challenging of our political elites officials who were not fully bilingual in role of French Canadians in Quebec and more vigilant about the functioning one of Canada’s two official languages to and in Canada. Unlike many of his of Canadian democracy. Those groups take linguistic training. It was intended as contemporaries, however, he bitterly whose equality rights were formally guar- well to produce a more representative opposed the growing sovereignist anteed — Aboriginal groups, women, and equitable balance between those of movement. His deeply held liberal religious groups, and French language French and English mother tongues in individualist values shaped his strong and ethnic minorities — have formed leading positions in the civil and military opposition to Quebec nationalism and associations dedicated to protecting and bureaucracy. Trudeau also promoted led him to devise policies which gave advancing these rights in the political more French-speaking politicians to top Quebecers a prominent and visible role and legal systems. These “Charter positions in the federal cabinet, the for- in Canadian politics. At the same time, groups,” with support provided by sym- eign service and federal government he was committed to deepening the pathetic members of the legal and aca- commissions and advisory bodies. He rights of all Canadians. He believed demic communities, formed what has supported the wider use of French in fed- passionately that Canada could distin- been aptly called “the Court Party,” and eral and provincial legislatures, the guish itself through its bilingual and subsequently spearheaded a dramatic courts, and other major political institu- multicultural personality. rights revolution in Canada. The Charter tions. And he encouraged the construc- Trudeau is probably most tion and financial support of closely identified with the The Charter of Rights is undoubtedly French-language schools and search for constitutional reform Trudeau’s most significant and immersion programs in areas of in Canada in response to the enduring constitutional legacy. Both Canada in which there were suf- threat posed by the sovereignist ficient numbers and a large movement in Quebec. For a fundamental individual and collective enough demand. long time, it seemed a fruitless minority rights of citizens were At the time, many opposed undertaking. His commitment entrenched in a renewed constitution. policies of official bilingualism as to constitutional reform began impractical or even pernicious. even before he became prime minister has prompted not only significant legal Decades later, it is clear that, at the sen- in 1968. Almost immediately after his changes, but also demands for much ior levels, these measures did transform convincing election victory later that broader popular participation and gov- the federal public service into a far more year, he launched a three-year constitu- ernmental accountability in Canadian bilingual institution. They did not, how- tional round that culminated in the political institutions. In a deep sense, the ever, dramatically increase the number failed Victoria Accord in 1971. He tried landscape of Canadian political participa- of Canadians claiming to be fluent in the again and again over the next several tion was fundamentally altered by the other official language. Nor did they sig- years, until he finally succeeded in culture that the Charter created. nificantly increase the use of the minor- patriating the Constitution in 1982. For ity language, French or English, in the the first time in their history, rudeau also hoped that the Charter legislatures and courts of most Canadians could now amend their T would solidify national unity and provinces. But they did alter the wide- Constitution through their own parlia- combat the appeal of the indépenden- spread perception of many Canadians, mentary institutions. Canada had final- tistes in Quebec by focusing the loyal- both English and French, that Canada is ly come of age. But Trudeau’s dream ties and political attachments of essentially a unilingual English nation. was only partially fulfilled: Quebec Quebecers on their national govern- They also helped to make many more remained outside the process and ment. These hopes were not realized. A French-speaking Canadians, both within embittered, and the amending formula majority favoured their provincial Bill and outside Quebec, more comfortable proved so rigid that it has been difficult of Rights, which provided many of the about using their mother tongue in their to use on all but the smallest issues. same protections for individual citizens. public and private sector activities. Most The Charter of Rights is undoubted- And they looked to the override clause important, they helped to cultivate ly Trudeau’s most significant and endur- (Section 33) as the ultimate guarantee mutual respect between the French and ing constitutional legacy. Both of their language and culture. English language communities, and a fundamental individual and collective A second major and lasting contri- greater sensitivity to the other commu- minority rights of citizens were bution was Trudeau’s transformation of nity’s linguistic and cultural priorities entrenched in a renewed constitution. French-English relations into a more rep- and needs.