#Memstorm: Twitter as a Community-Driven Breaking News Reporting Tool This study offers an in-depth exploration of how citizens and journalists in Memphis, Tennessee have come to utilize Twitter and the hashtag #Memstorm as a collaborative breaking news reporting tool when severe weather hits the region. It examines some of the factors that motivate public participation and looks at how this new, always-on community-driven communication system – what scholar Alfred Hermida has called “ambient journalism” - is affecting local journalism, building on previous theory and research revealing how social media has helped make the news process increasingly participatory. Using interviews, a survey, participant observation and content analysis of 1639 tweets with the #memstorm hashtag, this study shows how Memphians are building community online and playing a role in sharing information vital to public health and welfare. Carrie Brown-Smith, University of Memphis 314 Meeman Journalism Building Memphis, TN 38152 202-251-5719 [email protected] 1 #Memstorm: Twitter as a Community-Driven Breaking News Reporting Tool In April 2011, a series of powerful storms pounded Memphis, Tennessee and the surrounding region, driving residents not only to their television sets but to their Twitter streams for the latest information on funnel cloud sightings, flash flooding and power outages. Sirens blared and people huddled in basements and bathrooms off and on for two days, but when all was said and done Memphis was relatively lucky; the same system of storms caused much more extreme damage and loss of life in Joplin, Missouri and Tuscaloosa, Alabama. While wild weather with torrential rain and tornados are not unusual in the Mid-South, the ability to both access and contribute to another real-time source of information in addition to the venerable local television meteorologists and other traditional news outlets is a relatively new phenomenon that exemplifies the participatory, two-way power of today’s digital tools. Community members converged around the hashtag #Memstorm to share information, photos, and video on the storm and interact with others; according to data collected by Aaron Prather, a local technology entrepreneur and CEO of startup StiQRd, at the height of the storm, #memstorm impressions reached 1.4 million, with over 200,000 Twitter accounts being reached; 0.01 percent of all tweets on Twitter were being tagged with #memstorm (Howell, 2011). Using a combination of methodological approaches, including a content analysis of 1639 tweets tagged with the #memstorm hashtag, interviews, a survey, and participant observation, this study offers an in-depth exploration of a concept described by Hermida as “ambient journalism” or an “awareness system that offers diverse means to collect, communicate, share and display news and information, 2 serving diverse purposes” (2010: 301). This always-on communication system carries significant implications for journalists’ role in society and the larger question of how a community’s information needs are met in a digital world, particularly during a fast-moving breaking news situation. Journalists hoping to harness new tools to continue to play a role as sensemakers and verifiers of information, in a landscape where the public has the ability bypass them, need to understand what this growing online community is doing and what its needs, norms and motivations are. For example, during the storm, Fox 13 asked people to use the hashtag #foxstorm “so we can better monitor affected areas.” The reaction on Twitter was swift and fierce; the community was already using the #memstorm hashtag and many resented an attempt to “brand” the storm response to one particular station. This study builds on existing theory and research revealing how social media has helped make the news process increasingly participatory, expanding traditional conceptions of news and challenging the role of journalists as gatekeepers who select and edit information for presentation to the public (Singer et. al., 2011). In their book Participatory Journalism: Guarding Open Gates at Online Newspapers, Jane Singer, Alfred Hermida and a host of other contributors amass substantial evidence showing that “people inside and outside the newsroom are engaged in communicating not only to, but also with, one another. In doing so, they all are participating in the ongoing processes of creating a news website and building a multifaceted community (2011: 2).” By looking at one specific use case in detail, this study examines further how a community may play a role in covering itself, even outside of any deliberate efforts by journalists. This study also expands on existing research on uses and gratifications of Twitter by examining what kinds of needs motivate public use of new media in a breaking news situation. Previous research has found that Twitter may be especially useful in comparison to other social networks for news and information (Johnson and Yang, 2009), more so than Facebook, where people go 3 primarily to connect with their friends made offline (Urista et. al. 2009; Steinfeld et. al. 2007). In addition, examines the back-and-forth among community members using the hashtag and finds that Twitter serves need to connect with others, one of four key communication need states particularly relevant in interactive new media contexts (Thorson & Duffy, 2006). Literature Review There a growing body of academic literature on Twitter, a social network that allows users to broadcast information to others using just 140 characters, interact with each other publicly or privately, and “follow” other users, although relatively few studies have examined its implications for journalism or looked at how hashtags are used in a breaking news event. Unlike the larger and older Facebook, reciprocity is not required on Twitter; users can follow others even if others do not follow them in return. Users can share photos, videos, and links to articles or blog posts; links are often shortened to provide more space for additional commentary. About 13 percent of online adults use Twitter, a figure that has grown rapidly, up from just eight percent in 2010 (Smith, 2011). While many new users check the site infrequently or never, one-third check for new material posted by others on a daily basis or even multiple times per day (O’Dell, 2011). Twenty-one percent of Twitter users follow more than 100 people, and 16 percent now have more than 100 followers (Smith and Rainie, 2010). Edison Research also found awareness of Twitter has exploded. The percentage of Americans who say they are familiar with Twitter rose from 5 percent in 2008 to 87 percent in 2010 (Webster, 2010). Twitter users are highly mobile; 95 percent own a mobile phone and half use it to access Twitter (Smith, 2011). Uses and gratifications theory has been the most common theoretical paradigm applied in the study of social networks thus far, as researchers exploring a still relatively-new phenomena seek to understand how audience members use social media sites like Twitter and the fulfillment they get from their media choices. Uses and gratifications theory is relevant for journalism-related research as a way to 4 understand and target their audience’s needs, ultimately ensuring the best return on investment with social media. Twitter and uses and gratifications Research on Twitter uses and gratifications has found people are using it as an important source of news and information, although social needs remain key aspect of user motivation. One 2009 study by Johnson & Yang found people were using Twitter more for informational than social needs, a kind of “one-stop-shop” for obtaining information from a variety of sources, similar to an RSS feed. Their results indicated that “Twitter’s strengths in satisfying its users lie with its ability to help users connect and communicate with many other users, while also allowing users to share their thoughts in a public forum and keep track of what other users are talking about (18).” Subjects reported that Twitter served as a filter, allowing them to easily access information recommended by friends or trusted contacts. Aberran et. al. (2010) found similar results in a study of Latino youth on Twitter. When young adult Latinos singled out uses of Twitter from Facebook and MySpace, Twitter emerged as the clear leader for accessing news and information. Of special relevance to this study given its focus on using Twitter in the context of a local breaking news story, Naaman, Becker and Gravano (2011) found that Twitter serves as what they called a “social awareness stream” and noted that although it enables the possibility of far-flung global connections, it is especially useful for offering local information, because most users tend to be connected to a significant number of people from their geographical area. They also found that in a breaking news event, users tended to, not surprisingly, focus more on information transmission than conversation with other users. Hughes, Lee, and Palen (2009) also examined Twitter use during major news events or crises with a content analysis of tweets from the Republican and Democratic National Conventions as well as Hurricanes Gustav and Irene. Their findings matched the previous study in that during a crisis, Twitter 5 users are focused on broadcasting information as opposed to interacting with others. Interestingly, Twitter users who joined during this kind of breaking news event are more likely than others to become long-term users, suggesting that these users found substantial utility in Twitter and may have formed meaningful connections that they could then build upon. They also found that general Twitter use over time has evolved to include more information sharing; in 2007, just 13 percent of Tweets included a URL taking the user to additional information, while two years later in 2009, 24.7 percent of tweets contained a URL. During the two hurricanes, for example, fully 50 percent of all Tweets contained a link.