University of Nebraska - Lincoln DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln Faculty Publications: Political Science Political Science, Department of November 2006 Deracialization or Racialization: The Making of a Black Mayor in Jackson, Mississippi Byron D. Orey [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/poliscifacpub Part of the Political Science Commons Orey, Byron D., "Deracialization or Racialization: The Making of a Black Mayor in Jackson, Mississippi" (2006). Faculty Publications: Political Science. 18. https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/poliscifacpub/18 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Political Science, Department of at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Publications: Political Science by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. Published in Politics & Policy, Volume 34, No. 4 (2006): 814-836. Published by Blackwell Pub- THE MAKING OF A BLACK MAYOR IN JACKSON, MISSISSIPPI 815 lishing Inc. http://www.blackwellpublishing.com/journal.asp?ref=1555-5623&site=1 Copyright © 2006 The Policy Studies Organization. Used by permission. search is what produced the difference between Johnson’s victory in 1997 and his defeat in 1993 in this majority black city?2 One potential answer is rendered by the subtitle of an article in Jackson’s major newspaper, The Clar- Deracialization or Racialization: The Making of ion Ledger, on the day after Johnson’s victory in the Democratic primary in a Black Mayor in Jackson, Mississippi1 1997. It read, “[n]ew approach wins race for Johnson” (Stringfellow 1997, 1A). Implied in this “new approach” is the notion that Johnson ran a dera- cialized (or race-neutral) campaign in 1993 and lost, then ran a racialized (or Byron D’Andra Orey race-specific) campaign in 1997 and won. The article specifically suggests University of Nebraska, Lincoln that Johnson’s (1997) campaign was similar to the one Harold Washington ran in the 1983 Chicago mayoral election, an election categorized by many In 1997, Harvey Johnson made history by becoming the first black to scholars as a racialized campaign (see e.g., Albritton et al. 1996). My prima- be elected as mayor of Jackson, Mississippi. Four years prior, John- ry purpose in this article is to compare and contrast the 1993 and 1997 cam- son failed to make the Democratic primary runoffs. The following re- paigns run by Johnson, to test whether his newly adopted campaign strategy search question is addressed: what explains Johnson’s victory in 1997, served as the impetus behind his victory in 1997. In the following sections, I when compared to his defeat in 1993? In answering this question, I rely heavily on elite-level interviewing and newspaper accounts. I also examine the extant literature on the topic of deracialization and race-specific examine the black and white vote for Johnson, using aggregate-level campaigns, discuss the data and methods employed, summarize the findings, election and census data. Gary King’s Ecological Inference technique and consider what these findings imply about the use of deracialized or ra- is used to examine these data. Based on the findings, I conclude that cialized campaigns in the area of black politics. Johnson ran a deracialized campaign in 1993 and a racialized cam- paign in 1997. The deracialized campaign failed to attract white voters and attenuated his black support. In 1997, however, he was able to al- Deracialized or Racialized Campaign Strategies? most double his support from black voters. This increase can be attrib- uted in part to his racialized campaign strategy. On November 7, 1989, L. Douglas Wilder (Virginia), David Dinkins (New York, New York), Norman Rice (Seattle, Washington), and John Dan- Lord have mercy! We’re going to have a black mayor in Jackson, iels (New Haven, Connecticut) all made history by becoming the first black Mississippi. to be elected as chief executive of their respective political jurisdictions —An anonymous black woman quoted in Chappell (1997, 76) (Perry 1990). During that same year, a total of eight African Americans were elected as mayors of major American cities and one was elected as gover- nor. The success achieved by these candidates led McCormick (1989) to la- On May 3, 2005, Harvey Johnson was soundly defeated in the Demo- bel this day “black Tuesday.” According to Perry (1990), of the nine candi- cratic primary for mayor of Jackson, Mississippi, thereby ending his eight- dates elected, four ran deracialized campaigns. Deracialized campaigns are year tenure as mayor of that city. In 1997 Johnson made history by becom- typically run in majority white jurisdictions, whereby minority candidates ing the city’s first African-American mayor. Johnson’s victory is of par- minimize the use of race in an effort to attract white electoral support. ticular interest, given Jackson’s infamous history in the area of race rela- McCormick and Jones (1993) provide a definition of deracialization to tions. As the capital of Mississippi, Jackson is well known for its massive denote situations in which black candidates, in particular, avoid using any resistance to civil rights. Indeed, the above epigraph expresses the shock “explicit reference to race-specific issues, while at the same time empha- felt within the black community upon Johnson’s election. sizing those issues that are perceived as racially transcendent” (76). Addi- Four years prior to Johnson’s victory, he was defeated in the Democrat- tionally, these authors state that a deracialized political strategy affects the ic primary for that same office. One of the questions posed in the current re- 814 816 BYRON D’ANDRA OREY THE MAKING OF A BLACK MAYOR IN JACKSON, MISSISSIPPI 817 issues candidates stress, their mobilization tactics, and the style of their “full employment,” which he considered the most important issue facing campaigns (McCormick and Jones 1993). When running a deracialized the black community and also an issue that might appeal to whites. Ham- campaign, black candidates, they argue, should avoid using explicit refer- ilton labeled this strategy as a “deracialized” approach that would gain ences to issues such as welfare, affirmative action, and set-asides. Rather, white support. they should place emphasis on issues that appear to be race-neutral. The In 1976, Hamilton again addressed the concept of deracialization. second aspect of a deracialized strategy involves the campaign tactics em- This time, in a position paper commissioned by the Democratic Party, he ployed by black candidates to mobilize voters. The authors contend that advised presidential candidates to emphasize issues that would have an black office seekers should avoid public appeals to the black communi- appeal across racial lines (Hamilton 1977). Arguing that programs target- ty. In addition, black candidates do not want to give whites the impression ed directly to minorities lose votes, he urged civil rights groups and the that they are only interested in representing blacks. The final component Democratic Party to work for “deracialized solutions” such as national emphasized by the authors is political style. The success of black candi- health insurance and an income maintenance program (McCormick and dates in attracting white support depends in part on their ability to proj- Jones 1993, 70). William Julius Wilson (1990) expanded upon Hamil- ect a nonthreatening image. It is therefore necessary for black candidates ton’s message by suggesting that the Democratic Party embrace a progres- to project a reassuring image to the white electorate. Black candidates, for sive “race neutral program.” Wilson stated that blacks and liberals who example, should avoid associating themselves with people that white vot- have pushed “a race-specific agenda” (e.g., affirmative action, minority ers will view as racial partisans. set-asides, busing) create a major barrier to those advocating broader pro- A race-specific campaign, in contrast, is defined as one in which “one grams that would be more attractive to white voters. candidate calls attention to the race of his or her opponent or opponent’s In their application of the deracialization concept, two local observ- supporters or if the news media covering a campaign disproportionately ers of L. Douglas Wilder’s 1989 Virginia gubernatorial campaign, Charles call attention to the race of one candidate or of that candidate’s supporters” Jones and Michael Clemons, note that Wilder presented himself as a “so- (Paul Luebke cited in Grofman, Handley, and Niemi 1992, 107-8). Indeed, cial moderate and fiscal conservative who represented the ‘New Virginia Reeves (1997, 21) points out, “campaign appeals that heighten the salience Mainstream’—a major theme of the campaign” (Jones and Clemons 1993, of race are injected into election contests not exclusively by political candi- 140). An investigation of Wilder’s appointment book disclosed that be- dates and their operatives but by news media organizations as well.” tween June 19 and September 4, 1989, Wilder appeared before the public 84 times. Jones and Clemons identify the groups Wilder addressed as be- The Evolution of the Deracialization Concept ing predominantly white or predominantly black and report that only ten Charles Hamilton first introduced the concept “deracialization” of these appearances were before black audiences. in 1973 at a National Urban League meeting. The purpose of the meet- Schexnider (1990) contends that Wilder’s deracialization strategy can ing was to have a group of scholars, activists, and public officials dis- be traced back as far as his 1985 campaign to become lieutenant governor cuss strategies for the organization in the “post-protest” phase of the civ- of Virginia. In Schexnider’s view, Wilder did not present himself to the il rights movement. During this meeting Hamilton presented a brief es- Virginia electorate as a black candidate in 1985. Based on the author’s ac- say that addressed some of these possible strategies.