Bernard Williams on Pluralism, Liberalism, and History

Bernard Williams on Pluralism, Liberalism, and History

Bernard Williams on Pluralism, Liberalism, and History Colin Koopman University of Oregon The relation between pluralism and liberalism has been a central concern in recent political philosophy. The work of Bernard Williams provides good reason to think that in addressing itself to such concerns political philosophy cannot be an enterprise relying on purely rational argumentation alone, but rather must also incorporate historical inquiry into its work. Williams’ work on liberal pluralism evinces precisely this historical-philosophical sensibility. This article, accordingly, discusses Williams’ contribution to recent debates in political philosophy not only with respect to substantive issues concerning liberal pluralism but also with respect to methodological issues concerning how political philosophy ought to address itself to such substantive matters. One of the most important and interesting if political philosophers of the seventeenth, eighteenth, or features of contemporary political philosophy concerns nineteenth century were confident about the possibilities the increasing attention to pluralism we have been witness of a unifying theory of justice in the context of pluralistic to over the past century. Pluralism is now central to conflict, then political philosophers of the last century, reflection on politics across every major philosophical and now of our own, are extraordinarily more cautious. tradition including analytical, phenomenological, Whereas canonical political philosophy in past centuries pragmatist, critical theoretical, and genealogical theory. tended to sublimate conflicts in values to make room for The many forms of pluralism under consideration across a given philosophical conception of order or justice or these traditions all have in common a basic concern with right or good, the problem of value pluralism itself deep conflicts among values or ideals or interests that are became canonical over the course of the twentieth not easily resolved. Prominent questions raised by such century. We all live under the shadow of William James’s pluralism include the following. When we confront the prescient but threatening words: “Some part of the ideal conflict of pluralism, what sorts of things is this a conflict must be butchered” (1891, p. 622). There is, James between (values, ideals, interests, ways of life, etc.)? How observed as the nineteenth century drew to a close, an deep do these conflicts run (all the way down, or only to increasing sense that whatever is ideal is inherently the surface of a minimal standard such as reasonablness)? fragmented and fractured such that some of its parts may What concept most accurately captures the logic of said be subject to irremediable loss. James gave expression to conflicts (incompatibility, incommensurability, exactly that tragic conflict of values which many of us inconsistency)? Where are these conflicts most pressing know through the more prominent discussions of Isaiah (among groups, within groups, within persons)? Berlin: “The world that we encounter in ordinary Today the situation is such that no serious experience is one in which we are faced with choices political philosopher can afford to trivialize pluralism as between ends equally ultimate, and claims equally a merely practical matter. But why? It is not entirely clear absolute, the realization of some of which must inevitably why questions such as these should have emerged with involve the sacrifice of others” (1958, p. 168). such force in recent political and moral philosophy. Why It is not obvious why political and moral was it, for instance, that Rawls’ explicit attention to philosophers began to explicitly and self-consciously pluralism was one of the most attractive features of his concern themselves with pluralism over the course of the work for so many of his readers? Of course, some amount twentieth century. It may just be that philosophy’s of concern over value pluralism had always been a feature increasing attention to pluralism has been, at least in part, of modern political thought, in part because pluralism a function of altered historical conditions involving the itself has always been a feature of modern moral life. But escalation of visible pluralistic conflict over the twentieth Theoretical & Applied Ethics 11 Vol. 1, Issue 3, Fall 2011 century. If this is so, then it may be that one of our best conception of genealogical philosophy, at least with contemporary guides to the challenge of pluralism is respect to pluralism as it features in specifically liberal Bernard Williams. For it was one of Williams’ signal societies. I here understand liberalism as a political vision contributions to have urged a more historical perspective that, both theoretically and practically, aims to strike a on the way in which we work to understand ourselves. In balance between the often-opposed goals of individual his writings in the final years of his life, Williams makes liberty and public authority. Pluralism may of course also a detailed case for resituating the project of moral and feature in non-liberal contexts. But I shall here be political philosophy as a historical, or more precisely concerned only with pluralism in its relation to liberalism genealogical, effort. It is not widely known, though it is insofar as we today find ourselves under historical no secret, that Williams’ final philosophical project, conditions of pluralism and liberalism. which lay unfinished at his death, was to be precisely a history of liberal pluralism. The posthumous remains of The Philosophical Analysis of Liberal Pluralism that project, published in his In the Beginning Was the The starting point of much recent discussion of Deed (2005), make the case for a more genealogical- pluralism in liberal political philosophy is the idea that historical approach to political philosophy, even if they pluralism is a condition of modern political thought and do not fully deliver such an approach themselves. That action. Anyone who begins here encounters a crucial Williams conceived this new kind of effort in political question which nearly every political philosopher must philosophy against his own inherited background of face at some point and in some form, namely the question analytical philosophy, a tradition that has been and still of relativism and its claim that any value or view is as largely remains resolutely ahistorical, is in part what good as any other. If pluralism is a condition of modern makes his work interesting. I shall here explore Williams’ politics, then how can we avert the relativism that attempt in that book, and in some of his other late pluralism seems to make possible? Williams’ answer to writings, to undertake a more historicist analysis of liberal the relativism threat, following Berlin, involves pluralism as follows from his more general point in favor liberalism. In a relatively early discussion, Williams of forms of political philosophy that combine the work of writes that Berlin, “deploys the pluralism of values in historical inquiry with conceptual analysis. defense of liberalism” (1978, p. xvii). Williams also In the course of my discussion, I shall develop a proffered this view as his own, for instance in a much defense of two aspects of Williams’ views on liberal later essay where he claims that liberal tolerance is pluralism and on how political philosophers might valuable precisely where conflicts of values run most address themselves to liberal pluralism. The first has to deep: “Toleration, we may say, is required only for, the do with his skeptical view concerning the inability of intolerable. That is its basic problem” (2000, p. 126). The purely analytical philosophy to address itself to pluralism argument in both cited passages (authored some twenty and the threat of relativism it engenders. This view was years apart) seems to be the following: to the extent that not proposed as a critique of the practice of conceptual pluralistic conflict is our condition, then, liberalism will analysis. What self-respecting philosopher could possibly be of use to us, because it will help us block the worst take issue with that? Rather, Williams’ view concerns a forms of relativism.[1] In assessing this argument, we critique of the idea that conceptual analysis should be all would do well to consider exactly how liberalism forms that there is to philosophy. For if that were so, then a useful way of responding to conditions of pluralism. pluralism (among many other things) would no longer fall Liberalism in the context of pluralism is best within the purview of philosophy. The loss of pluralism seen not as a normative vision so much as a political as a topic which philosophers might have something conception that creates enabling conditions for normative useful to say about would be a loss not only for critique in the context of pluralism. Thus, liberal philosophy itself, but more importantly also for pluralism. pluralism is not itself right and not itself capable of The second point on which I shall defend Williams' generating norms of its own accord. Liberalism concerns the potential of a more historical analytical understood as enabling may of course entail certain philosophy to engage pluralism as a deep problem that normative ideas (and almost undoubtedly it does) but may yet admit of reconstructive improvement. I shall these ideas are not the main part of why pluralists may discuss some advantages of Williams’ rather capacious want to take liberalism seriously. Theoretical & Applied Ethics 12 Vol. 1, Issue 3, Fall 2011 This view of liberalism suggests that liberal exactly how liberalism, according to Williams, ought to pluralism does not by itself prevent the unwanted slide be understood. Liberalism is best understood not as a from pluralism into relativism, but rather creates first-order objective value that can itself decidedly conditions such that those of us who find ourselves midst adjudicate amongst otherwise incommensurable values, pluralism can develop forms of social and political but rather as a second-order historical condition of normativity that will avoid the slide into fractious possibility that enables normative critique in the context relativism.

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