This is a repository copy of Battlespace diaspora: how the Kurds of Turkey revive, construct and translate the Kurdish struggle in London. White Rose Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/142575/ Version: Accepted Version Book Section: Demir, I (2015) Battlespace diaspora: how the Kurds of Turkey revive, construct and translate the Kurdish struggle in London. In: Christou, A and Mavroudi, E, (eds.) Dismantling Diasporas Rethinking the Geographies of Diasporic Identity, Connection and Development. Routledge , pp. 71-84. ISBN 9781472430335 Copyright (c) Anastasia Christou and Elizabeth Mavroudi 2015. This is a Accepted Manuscript of a book chapter published by Routledge (Taylor & Francis) in Dismantling Diasporas on 28 March 2015, available online: https://www.routledge.com/Dismantling-Diasporas-Rethinking-the-Geographies-of-Diaspori c-Identity/Christou-Mavroudi/p/book/9781472430335 Reuse Items deposited in White Rose Research Online are protected by copyright, with all rights reserved unless indicated otherwise. They may be downloaded and/or printed for private study, or other acts as permitted by national copyright laws. The publisher or other rights holders may allow further reproduction and re-use of the full text version. This is indicated by the licence information on the White Rose Research Online record for the item. Takedown If you consider content in White Rose Research Online to be in breach of UK law, please notify us by emailing [email protected] including the URL of the record and the reason for the withdrawal request. [email protected] https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/ PUBLISHED BOOK CHAPTER: Demir, Ipek (2015) 'Battlespace Diaspora: How the Kurds of Turkey Revive, Construct and Translate the Kurdish Struggle in London', in Christou, Anastasia and Mavroudi, Elizabeth (eds.) Dismantling Diasporas: Rethinking the Geographies of Diasporic Identity, Connection and Development (Abingdon: Routledge), pp. 71‐84. This chapter examines the Kurdish diaspora's ethno-political battles for identity. Much work on the Kurdish diaspora has been carried out in relation to Kurds on the continent and has focused on the Kurds' antagonistic relationship with Turkey, examining Kurds' desire for the recognition of their ethnic identity and struggle, and their associated anti-Turkey mobilisation and activities. For example Demir (2012), Griffiths (2000), Wahlbeck (1998) have identified the ways in which Kurdish politics have featured in the lives and discourses of Kurds in the UK since the late 1980s. Eccarius-Kelly (2002) has provided a fascinating exposition of legislative pressures and political lobbying of Kurds in Germany to the European Parliament and the Council of Europe. Others, for example, Eliassi (2013) Leggewie (1996); Lyon and Uçarer (2001), ¯stergaard-Nielsen (2001) and Van Bruinessen (1998) have examined in detail the ways in which Kurdish diasporic activism has an impact on the Kurdish movement in Turkey and in Europe. Whilst acknowledging the importance of diasporic Kurds' mobilisation activities, this chapter will examine the translational activities of Kurds in London by presenting detailed ethnographic data and analysis on the various ways in which diasporic Kurds translate their suffering and rebellion to British audiences. The chapter will discuss how this translation involves the need to 1 undertake ‘ethno-political tuition’; the difficulties of making the battle ‘palatable’ for British audiences; the ‘ethnic entrepreneurial labouring’ in which Kurds engage as well as how the translation of Kurdish culture, struggle and rebellion is central for the transnational battles of Kurds. Kurds from Turkey1 make up a sizeable proportion of north London’s ethnic minority population. In fact it is thought that many who are regarded as ‘Turks’ in London are of Kurdish origin,2 having arrived in the UK as refugees from the late 1980s onwards. Most originate from Maraş, Elbistan, Malatya and Sivas (Griffiths, 2002; Wahlbeck, 1998). The movement of Kurds from Turkey has been brought about by the suppression of their cultural and linguistic rights in Turkey, their forceful displacement from Kurdish villages, as well as their facing multiple forms of economic deprivation and social exclusion in Turkey (see for example, Bayir, 2013; Houston, 2004; Human Rights Watch, 2010 and 2012; Saraçoğlu, 2010; Zeydanlõoğlu, 2012). Kurds have been seeking asylum in the UK since the 1980s. Most Kurds in London are Alevis, a minority religious sect in Turkey (Demir, 2012). Alevis - whether they are Kurdish or Turkish - have faced persecution in Turkey, for example, as demonstrated by the events of ‘Madõmak’ in Sivas in 1993 and Istanbul Gazi in 1995. Whilst Sunni Turks are the dominant group in Turkey (both numerically and culturally), in London Alevi Kurds constitute the majority of those from Turkey. 1 Throughout this article when I refer to ‘Kurds’, I mean Kurds from Turkey. 2 The total number of Kurds from Turkey in the UK is a rough estimation. It is thought to be between 100.000 and 180.000. The Home Office only records the country of origin of asylum seekers, but not their ethnicity. The 2011 census in the UK, on the other hand, is thought to underestimate their numbers. This is due to a mixture of reasons. For example new migrants can be reluctant to complete the census or have informal living and work arrangements and thus can fall through the gaps. Also, Kurds from Turkey can be reluctant to define themselves as ‘Kurdish’ for various historical and social reasons, especially due to what has been regarded as ‘Turkification’ policies in Turkey. 2 Kurds are now a considerable component of multicultural North London, not only in terms of size but also in terms of their political voice and activism. In Haringey they run many community organisations, off-licences, catering businesses and shops. They are politically active and increasingly involved in the cultural, social and political life of North London (Enneli, Modood, Bradley, 2005; Pattison and Tavsanoglu, 2002). Since 2006 they have been successful in electing councillors for Hackney, Haringey and Enfield. As Hassanpour and Mojab state, the Kurds of Turkey, in comparison with Kurds from elsewhere, for example, ‘have maintained a hegemonic presence in diaspora politics’ (2004, p. 222). In recent years such activism has expanded and widened, and increasingly involves a battle with Turkey via civic and cultural activism and recognition in Europe. Kurds have created a vibrant diasporic space in Europe and have engaged in various types of transnational activities, for example, via social and economic remittances aimed at Kurdish civil society and parties in Turkey and via broadcasting to Turkey from Kurdish satellite channels based in Europe (Ayata, 2008, 2011; Gunes, 2012). Their transnational networks are also sustained through the grounded everyday links and contacts they form and continue to form, spanning various EU countries and Turkey. As highlighted by Soguk (2008, p.176), they are becoming increasingly ‘Euroversal’. My aim in this chapter is to examine how politicised diasporic Kurds in London have built and crafted a battlespace where they tell a story of Kurdishness, especially Kurdish suffering and uprising which challenges and undoes the way in which the Kurdish question is told both in Turkey and by Turkey to the outside world. In particular, I will focus on the ways in which this battlespace is brokered and translated to British audiences by diasporic Kurdish leaders and elites. 3 Methods In order to examine the diasporic battles and translation of Kurds, the research employed an ethnographic approach encompassing two qualitative methods: one-to- one, semi-structured interviews were conducted and key public meetings, gatherings, political demonstrations and cultural festivals were observed. I conducted in-depth interviews with 90 ‘Kurdish brokers’ who revive, construct and maintain a diasporic battlespace in London and who thus translate Kurdish suffering and uprising to British audiences. Kurdish brokers comprise the authoritative Kurdish actors, in particular the Kurdish leaders of community organisations, and the leading and elite members of the Kurdish community in London. The ‘Kurdish leaders of community organisations’ are Kurds who formally run, manage and direct the community organisations, including serving on boards, management committees, sub-committees or who act in an advisory role. The ‘leading and elite members of the Kurdish community’, for the purposes of this research, are defined as individuals who are mobilised, politicised and influential, but who do not run or lead a Kurdish organisation in a formal capacity. There are a significant number of influential Kurdish leaders who are not formally associated with a Kurdish organisation yet are prominent and mobilised, mostly due to their educated, elite, social positioning or due to the political allegiances and links brought from home. I interviewed Kurds from organisations with a close and explicit link with the Kurdish struggle in Turkey, for example the Kurdish Community Centre (KCC) in Haringey, and the Kurdish and Turkish Community Centre (Halkevi). However, there are many diasporic organisations in London with a Kurdish leadership 4 and a significant Kurdish constituency, albeit many without ‘Kurdish’ in the title of their community associations. Since brokerage is also carried out by their leadership and by those who frequent such associations, interviews