Confronting Deceit: Revisionist Essays on the True Nature of the Soviet Union Matthew Raphael Johnson Hromada Books 2017 Table of Contents: Marx and Lenin on the European Revolutions of the 19th Century Unraveling the Myths about Gregory Rasputin: Revolutionary Lies, Academic Fraud and the Provisional Government's “Emergency Commission of Inquiry” The Allied Intervention in the Russian Civil War: The Myth of Western Anti-Communism General Pyotr Nikolaevich Krasnov and Ataman Mikhail Karaulov: The Doctrine of Cossack National Socialism During the Russian Civil War Self-Indulgent Historical Mythology: The Fantasy of Stalin's “Antisemitic Russian Nationalism” Alienation, Tyranny and Ethnicity: Notes on Ukraine Under The Revolutionary Yoke Communism and Political Terror: Trotskyism, Stalinism and the West in Revisionist Perspective Soviet Ideology, Western Delusion and The Russian Orthodox Church in the USSR The Cold War: Grandiosity and Rhetoric as a Diplomatic Confrontation between Two Factions of the Ruling Class Russian History and the Myth of the Cold War: Western Capitalism as the “Builder of the Workers Paradise” Remaking Reality: Marxism, Mass-Society and Pasternak’s Dr. Zhivago Nominalism, Ethnicity, Mass Society: The Metaphysics of Civilization in the Poetics of Vasyl Stus Faith and Truth in Alexander Solzhenitsyn's One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich Final Thoughts Acknowledgments Please pardon my self-indulgence here, but the period of time in which I wrote these essays has been some of the most traumatic and painful in my life. I've lost a marriage, a home, a job, regular contact with my children, financial solvency, my extended family, all my friends, my social life and all expectations for the future – overnight. After three years of agony, bankruptcy, adultery and rejection for no clear reason, this book emerges to prove I'm still fighting. It proves that the corrupt legal system, feminism, those who daily plagiarize my ideas, this dying society, my family and academia did not emerge victorious. As the White forces went into exile in 1921, I was exiled to Johnstown, PA. As the Russian Orthodox Church functioned underground for decades, my writing continues to draw the scorn of court historians worldwide. Soon, apparently out of nowhere, the Soviet system collapsed – as all lies do – and Russia, under Putin, was reborn. I personally see light at the end of the tunnel for the first time. I too am entering into my “Putin” phase of rebirth while the forces of darkness stand exposed. So who stood by me during these last few years? Too few. I dedicate this book to these few brave souls. First and foremost, I dedicate this book to my son Michael. I raised him and introduced him to everything he now loves. I gave him life and today, he's given me mine back. An A student, an athlete, bassist and nationalist activist, he continues to amaze me. He is an phenomenal boy and will grow into a strong, independent, clear-thinking man. Second, Matthew Heimbach, Sven Longshanks, Matt Parrott and the rest of the membership of the Traditionalist Worker Party. I came out of my period of inactivity when Matthew asked I relaunch my radio show. They lit the fire under me and got me going again, even paying for my website, www.rusjournal.org. When I was told that so many of the ideas of the TWP come from my broadcasts and texts, I have never been so honored and moved. I emerged from my shell an elder statesman. They have become my new family. Third, my listeners and supporters who assisted me financially through this struggle. I was forced to appeal for money on my radio show, something I thought was beneath me. I usually give everything away for free. It was the most humiliating thing I've ever had to do. Yet, when a large number responded, I realized just how significant my words have been to them, people I never knew existed. They all told me that I “changed their worldview,” “revolutionized their lives” or spurred them to “convert to Orthodoxy,” I was dumbfounded. I had no idea I had this sort of following. Fourth, the Russian Orthodox Church under Metropolitan Damascene of Moscow, who took me in when my former spiritual father of 14 years turned on me also has earned my love and respect. Also, Metropolitan Gregory of Boston whose kind words permitted me a few moments of sanity in the midst of this planned chaos. Shockingly enough, there are some good clergy out there. Fifth, my former boss, Willis A. Carto. His importance for revisionism is immense. For me personally, he gave me my career starting in 1999 as editor of The Barnes Review and made it possible for me to have a family. He gave me generous time off to be with my boys when they were infants and for this, I'll be eternally grateful. He is greatly missed and there seems to be no one to take his place. I've not given up on life because of all of you. In different ways, you kept me from the pits of despair and depression that had surrounded me for so long. Dedicating this set of essays to you all does no justice to what you've done for me. MRJ Johnstown PA July 17 2017 The Murder of the Russian Royal Family Introduction Some years ago while doing research for a long paper on the Burmese military government, I came to a surprising realization: in obscure areas, nations almost entirely unknown even to educated Americans, there are no incentives for journalists to scrupulously tell the truth. Since there is no one to correct them, they have no real inducement to write strictly in the realm of fact. Then, after that, another lightening bolt struck me: in obscure regions of the world, it is much easier for even well-intentioned writers to err, since they are more apt to just impose familiar patterns on the unfamiliar. I termed this, modestly enough, Johnson's Law and it has the two formulations above. This book is a set of essays on various facets of the Soviet Union. The overarching arguments made are several: Firstly, The Bolsheviks never cared about “labor” in the sense that “labor” refers to the working people of the empire. The Bolsheviks defined “labor” so broadly that it became meaningless. They did not believe it themselves. The Bolsheviks held “labor,” defined above, in utter contempt. Second, The purpose of the revolution was to use ideology to cover over a radical idea: that the Red state, backed by extreme violence and terror, papered over by slogans, was nothing more than a transmission belt delivering all productive capital into the hands of the new ruling clique. Despite their name, the Bolsheviks were a tiny, urban group of intellectuals who had no ties with the people they were soon to rape and cared little for this fact. Third, the methods by which this belt was to operate were not controversial. Trotsky, Lenin and Stalin were of one mind on all things, until the Jewish question, personified by Trotsky, became explicit. This by no means requires a belief in Stalin's “antisemitism.” it remained a capital crime in the USSR under his rule. The Old Bolsheviks, almost exclusively Jewish, were the target, not Jews as such, who were a privileged group in the “new Russia.” Fourth, nationalism of all sorts was banned throughout Soviet history. Western “accusations” of this new-Soviet crime are absurd exaggerations. Several examples of what western academics think “nationalism” is will be shown below. Fifth, given the above, the USA was never anti-Bolshevik (even to the extent that the western ruling class had any idea what “Bolshevism” was). Almost every early condemnation of the “Reds” was based on them “acting like Tsars.” This was the main line of criticism. It was a rare find to discover an American that had any idea what “Leninism” was to any great extent. Finally, the USA built the Soviet Union, along with the major western powers, even during their own Depression. The final two essays are on Russian and Ukrainian resistance literature. The first, from Solzhenitsyn and the second, his Ukrainian counterpart, Vasyl Stus. They round out this collection by providing an up close understanding of the Soviet system, as both men served many years in the camps. Historians have one purpose: to destroy the vague, fuzzy and imprecise semi-knowledge of the common educated person. It needs to be replaced with the truth independent of the self- interest of the writer. The ignorance of the pretentious of the academic, pseudo-intellectual should be swept away with utter contempt. The level of pretension in the west is shockingly high. At no time in history has so much data been available to the common man. It is overwhelming even in the most limited, specialized fields. Yet, the level of rational discourse, factual understanding and wisdom has not only stagnated, but has gone backwards. Back to the thesis: When a country has a totally planned economy, the obvious implication is that country's ruling class owns and controls all productive capital. If they can plan it, they thus own it. They can do as they please with it. This conception has never, not once, penetrated the mind of American intellectuals on the USSR. Central planning means that everything – all property – is under the direct control of the ruling class. It is both their personal and institutional property. This fact seems to have no impact on American histories of the Evil Empire. The Soviet Ruling class was by far, the wealthiest ruling class in the world and they held the daily lives of every single person in the empire in the palm of their hands.