Neoconservatives and the Freedom Philosophy

Neoconservatives and the Freedom Philosophy

From the President by Richard M. Ebeling Ideas On Liberty MAY 2004 Neoconservatives and the Freedom Philosophy he winter 2004 issue of The Public ever-forward. Libertarians oppose all regula- Interest contains an article by Adam tion, whether of markets or morals.” He Wolfson, the publication’s editor, on says that libertarians have a “love affair” T“Conservatives and Neoconserva- with new technologies as the path to human tives.” Mr. Wolfson outlines some of the happiness. And, in addition, they discount central ideas of neoconservatism by con- any role or place for “the general welfare” trasting them with what he refers to as tra- and are opposed to democratic decision- ditionalist conservatism, paleoconservatism, making in the shaping of a “public ethos.” and libertarian conservatism. Thus in their pursuit of advancing the right Before World War II, he points out, con- of individual choice, the libertarian, he servatism was really classical liberalism, claims, is happy if citizens are indifferent to with strong emphases on individual free- the well-being of their country. dom, laissez-faire economics, and progress What, then, does the neoconservative through scientific improvement. In the post- stand for? As summarized by Mr. Wolfson, war period, under the influence of Russell neoconservatives recognize the value of tra- Kirk’s 1953 book, The Conservative Mind, ditions and customs passed down by earlier Mr. Wolfson says, American conservatism generations, but have no desire for or belief was transformed into a political philosophy in returning to a past that is unrecoverable critical of modernity and its unreflective and unacceptable to the vast majority of belief that social and economic change contemporary Americans. Nor are neocon- always means progress. The Kirkian conser- servatives desirous of a turning inward from vatives emphasized the roles of tradition, the rest of the world, as he portrays the paleo- custom, local community, and institutional conservatives; and the neoconservatives are stability in maintaining the health and bal- against anything that would smack of a ance of society. The paleoconservatives, denial of democratic and social equality. identified by Mr. Wolfson with ideas In contrast to Mr. Wolfson’s view of the espoused by Pat Buchanan and Paul Gott- libertarian perspective, neoconservatives are fried, are anti-free trade, anti-immigration, not willing to sacrifice the idea of a public isolationist in foreign policy, and suspicious arena in which the democratic polity estab- of political and social equality. lishes standards for the common good to As for libertarianism, Mr. Wolfson states which all members of society should conform. that “It is progressive, and aims at expand- Specifically, he says that neoconservatism has ing economic freedom and individual choice no inherent disapproval of the welfare state, which he suggests the vast majority of Amer- Richard Ebeling ([email protected]) is president of icans desire as a means of overcoming “inse- FEE. curity.” Only those welfare-state programs 2 corrupting of family, marriage, and the work pawn of others. And it nurtures the philo- ethic should be opposed. In addition, neo- sophical and religious ideas of compassion conservatives believe in U.S. political and mil- and duty in participating in charitable good itary interventionism around the world to works to assist the unfortunate and the truly advance democracy; but the goal of such for- needy among us. eign interventionism, he argues, is to maintain The public ethos of a free society rejects as America’s interests as a “great and powerful inconsistent with liberty any notion that democracy.” majorities or minorities may use the democ- Mr. Wolfson’s portrayal of libertarianism ratic process to restrict the freedom of the and neoconservativism offers an opportunity individual in his social, economic, and per- to restate the fundamental premises of what sonal actions as long as he does not in any FEE’s founder, Leonard Read, long referred way violate the rights of others to peacefully to as the “freedom philosophy.” Over a 300- go about their affairs. It does not believe that year history the advocates of human free- simply because a majority in society wants dom have argued that rights reside only in government welfare programs, because such individuals, who form the unique “building programs give them a sense of protection blocks” of the social, economic, and political from the insecurities of life, that this morally order. Society should be viewed as the mutu- justifies the power of political coercion to ally beneficial relationships that individuals redistribute wealth and limit the choices of form for the improvement of their circum- other members of society to determine what stances. The role of government, as under- is best for themselves, their families, and stood, for example, by the American Found- others they may care about. ing Fathers, was to protect the rights of the The advocate of liberty is on guard against individual from invasion by predatory plun- all expansions of government into the pri- der so each man may be secure in his life, vate lives and free associations of individuals property, and freedom to pursue his happi- because he considers political power to be ness as he sees it. corrupting and harmful to the creative potential in man. Political interventions and The Public Ethos regulations intimidate man’s mind and con- science, restrict his productive actions, The “public ethos” is not created by gov- weaken or eliminate the mutually beneficial ernment and, if it is to be healthy and consis- and charitable associations among people, tent with the preservation of a free society, and undermine the moral sense of self- must not be controlled or manipulated by responsibility and voluntary duty to others government. What is the “public ethos”? It in society. comprises society’s guiding beliefs, ideas, atti- Likewise, the friend of freedom believes tudes, customs, institutions, and ideals about that any “greatness” that America may pos- the normative standards and rules for per- sess on the international stage should come sonal and interpersonal conduct. Its repre- from being an example of individual free- sents what most members of society consider dom practiced at home, which then serves as to be acceptable and moral conduct in the an ideal for others around the world to emu- relationships that men have with each other. late. Furthermore, political and military The public ethos of a free society includes interventions abroad threaten the freedom strong beliefs in individual self-responsibility, and prosperity of the American citizenry, the rights and dignity of the individual, and because of the costs of these global activities. a sense of the morality of voluntary and These are the freedom principles and the peaceful relationships among men. It also public ethos that we have been losing in includes the ideal that each individual should America, and neoconservatism offers no be viewed as an end in himself and not the alternative to regain them. Ⅺ 3.

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