MINIM REPORT N.I |OCTOBER 2020| IN THE CITY, AT THE BORDER MOVEMENT AND GRASSROOTS INITIATIVES DURING THE PANDEMIC FEDERICO ALAGNA Minim is a municipalist observatory that amplifies the voice of municipalism by sharing practi- cal and theoretical knowledge with the support of a community of activists, scholars, journalists, and public officials. Federico Alagna researches EU & Italian migration policies. He holds a PhD from the Radboud University of Nijmegen and he currently collaborates with research centres and non-profit or- ganisations across Europe, being also an associate member of the Nijmegen Centre for Border Research. His texts have been published in academic journals, magazines, edited books and re- ports. Federico has been socially and politically engaged for more than fifteen years, in Italy and abroad, mostly in the area of municipalism, right to the city, participatory practices, migration and the fight against the mafia. He is an active member of the municipalist platform Cambiamo Messina dal Basso and from 2017 to 2018 he served as Deputy-Mayor for Culture and Public Education of the City of Messina, Sicily. You can follow him on Twitter @f_alagna © 2020. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons 4.0 license Photo credits: RF._.studio Funded by the German Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development Table of contents: A political approach to Covid-19 1 De-institutionalising the pandemic: Introductory readings and food for thought 2 Seeing the pandemic from the city 4 Lockdown borders 9 Looking to the future (with municipalist politics in mind) 15 IN THE CITY, AT THE BORDER MOVEMENT AND GRASSROOTS INITIATIVES DURING THE PANDEMIC 1 A political approach to Covid-19 The Covid-19 pandemic has had a forceful impact across the entire spectrum of human activity, going way further than the direct (and often dramatic) implications for people’s health. No as- pect of human activity is the same as it was at the end of 2019. Politics is no exception, and we have seen this in various forms and at different levels. In the ways by which political elites have addressed the pandemic across the world or in the effects of Covid-19 on different policy areas – to mention just two aspects. There are countless examples of the political component to this crisis. Nation states were the central actors of this pandemic politics, but over the months the limi- tations of their approach became visible on a global scale. In this perspective, local significant local examples of a political response to the crisis became of great interest, and the particular relevance of two arenas emerged. Cities and borders, for different reasons and in different ways, have proven to be key physical and political spaces to detect and understand the structuring of grassroots, non-institutional resistance to discriminatory and exclusionary responses to Cov- id-19. In the next few pages, we are going to explore how and why this has been the case. Addi- tionally, we shall delve into specific cases and end by critically reflecting on what this may entail for movements’ thinking and actions within and beyond the current pandemic. These concrete considerations will be linked to broader reflections on the right to the city, municipalism and migration. While keeping a global and intersectional approach throughout, and trying to avoid a Eurocen- tric narrative, our report will actually offer some specific insights on (Southern) Europe. The 1 I wish to thank Vera Bartolomé, Laura Roth, Yanina Welp, Debbie Bookchin, Cesar Merlín Escorza, Chiara Milan, and Alberto Mallardo for their suggestions and their contribution to this report. 1 weight given to the region in such an introductory piece on grassroots initiatives under the pan- demic mostly arises from: (a) the early outbreak and impact of the pandemic in this geograph- ical area, (b) the relevance of city-based political practices (including municipalism), especially in Spain and Italy, and (c) the topicality and extreme importance of the Mediterranean borders and of related migratory movements. Lastly, an aspect to be highlighted is that the role of non-institutional actors will be considered mainly from the perspective of governance, while also exemplifying advocacy and protest. In other words, besides opposing the existing policy approach and encouraging change, non-in- stitutional practices have significantly contributed to directly shaping the overall response to Covid-19. These are the practices that will be most discussed in the following pages. De-institutionalising the pandemic: Introductory readings and food for thought The amount and diversity of writing on Covid-19 published in recent months should come of little surprise. The global, deep and crosscutting impact of the pandemic has clearly led to an overwhelming amount of published output, addressing its different aspects. Politically orientated writing also has gained relevant space and attention: some articles and analyses have addressed the politics of the crisis, whereas others have highlighted its social im- pact; some ad hoc focuses have dealt with specific effects and the first comprehensive and com- parative analyses have explored the pandemic from different political angles. There are countless examples. So any attempt to present here an exhaustive state of the art would be at the same time endless and useless, considering also that new interesting analyses are coming out each day and it seems extremely difficult to present an up-to-date list of them. Rather, we look here at some specific studies that explore the politics of the pandemic, as a general introduction to the topic, and progressively move from an institutional to a non-institutional perspective, and from the national to local sphere, grounded in cities and borders. It is widely acknowledged that Covid-19 strengthened the role of formal institutions, and of governments in particular. A preliminary Spain-based study on the initial phase of the pandemic (March 2020), for example, found cit- izens shared a preference towards national government compared to the EU or international 2 organisations, as well as supported strong leaderships.2 David Harvey, writing from a Marxist perspective, was one of the first observers to highlight the political implications of the pandemic, implying how part of the shortcomings in govern- ment responses lay in the structure of society itself. In academia, Matthew M. Kavanaugh and Renu Singh addressed Covid-19 from a comparative-politics perspective, offering one of the first political analyses and problematising aspects of the responses to the pandemic in relation to democracy, authoritarianism and coercion. Regarding the policy of reducing mobility in order to prevent contagion, some studies discov- ered the substantial effectiveness of democratic regimes, whereas a recent commentary on the comparative politics of Covid-19 suggested “four key focuses to understand the reasons for Cov- id-19 responses: social policies” (during “crisis management as well as recovery”), “regime type (democracy or autocracy), formal political institutions (federalism, presidentialism), and state capacity (control over health care systems and public administration)”.3 At times, however, the central role adopted by national policy-makers, and governments (in particular), has stoked opposition from other actors. One interesting study, for example, ex- plores how populist approaches to Covid-19 in Latin America unintentionally legitimised other actors. Moreover, the piece considers the social and political tensions arising from the limited reach of government responses and sketches possible geopolitical consequences. The local dimension is the privileged terrain to observe the emergence of alternative policies and practices in response to centralised decision-making, and to the perceived insufficiency of its answers. Securitising and exclusionary policies have indeed mostly taken place in the intangible arena of national (or supranational or international) politics. On the other hand, the local dimension – that of everyday life – is where the crisis’s different effects are felt and responses to them are formulated. This is whether responses are provided by institutions – national or local – or grass- 2 It should be noted how Covid-related political research is still at a very early stage and its conclusions need to be taken with a pinch of salt for two reasons: firstly, because the phenomenon per se is evolving very rapidly and the analysis of one phase (such as the European outbreak) may not be relevant even a few weeks later; secondly, because studies are often preprints or working papers, that need further review, elaboration and discus- sion. The studies mentioned here form an important contribution to the debate, but the validity of their findings cannot be taken for granted. 3 Greer, S.L./ King, E.J./Massard da Fonseca, E. and Peralta-Santos, A. (2020). ‘The comparative politics of COVID-19: The need to understand government responses’, Global Public Health, https://doi.org/10.1080/174416 92.2020.1783340 3 roots non-institutional initiatives. In a way, this is the very premise of the whole municipalist discourse: the idea of measuring and responding locally, in a strategic way, to challenges that are intrinsically systemic, and national, continental, or even global.4 Hence the city dimension is taken to be the key political terrain to be able to understand the patterns of change and continuity in the relationship and confrontation between institutional and non-institutional actors. The second dimension – the border – is, to a certain extent, even more significant. Several stud- ies have considered borders as the place where the murkiness of migration policies becomes visible, where the rhetoric of welcoming the newly arrived clashes with the reality of fences, camps, and people drowning. In fact it is a place of reality and dispute, where some of the most significant action-driven responses take place and their different models are displayed in their full variety. (For a global perspective, see, for example, the diversity of struggles presented in Border Politics).