University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Department of Near Eastern Languages and Departmental Papers (NELC) Civilizations (NELC) 2012 The Formation of the Sudanese Mahdist State: Ceremony and Symbols of Authority: 1882-1898 Heather J. Sharkey University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/nelc_papers Part of the Near Eastern Languages and Societies Commons Recommended Citation Sharkey, H. J. (2012). The Formation of the Sudanese Mahdist State: Ceremony and Symbols of Authority: 1882-1898. Review of Middle East Studies, 46 (1), 143-145. Retrieved from https://repository.upenn.edu/ nelc_papers/16 Review of: The Formation of the Sudanese Mahdist State: Ceremony and Symbols of Authority by Kim Searcy On JSTOR: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41762514 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/nelc_papers/16 For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Formation of the Sudanese Mahdist State: Ceremony and Symbols of Authority: 1882-1898 Disciplines Near Eastern Languages and Societies Comments Review of: The Formation of the Sudanese Mahdist State: Ceremony and Symbols of Authority by Kim Searcy On JSTOR: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41762514 This review is available at ScholarlyCommons: https://repository.upenn.edu/nelc_papers/16 MESAI ROM ES 146 1 I 2012 Action for Integrating Women in Development (NPA) (p. 87). Moreover, although the Moroccan monarch authorized political parties to contest elections, constitutionally,the King was not obliged to appoint a leader of the winning party to forma government. And when he did, key ministries such as interior, defense, foreign affairs,and religious trusts remained under the direct control of the makhzen.Ultimately, these facts ought to be made available to the reader in order to develop an understanding that is both general and specific. Ahmed E. Souaiaia Universityof Iowa KimSearcy. TheFormation of the Sudanese Mahdist State: Ceremony and Symbols ofAuthority: 1882-1898. Leiden: Brill,2010. vii + 165 pages, footnotes,bibliog- raphy, index. Cloth € 89, US$126 ISBN 978-9-004-18599-9. Since P.M. Holt published his classic study of the Mahdist state in 1958, few historians have broached this chapter of Sudanese history. Kim Searcy's volume represents the newest contribution to this subject. Searcy focuses on the two figures of the Mahdi, who founded the Mahdist state but who died suddenly in 1885, and the Khalifa Abdullahi, his successor, who ruled from a capital in Omdurman until the Anglo-Egyptianconquest toppled his regime in 1898. "A core concern of this study," Searcy explains, "is the insignias and symbols of the Mahdists," with attention to how they shaped a state that was "uniquely Mahdist and Sudanese" (p. 2). The author takes up this concern in Chapter 2, entitled "Protocol, Ceremony, and Symbols of Authority,"when he considers the Mahdist state's use of items of mate- rial culture ranging fromgarments like the turban ( imama), to items like rosary beads (subha ) and coins. The author contends in the introductionthat, "It was primarilythrough the use of symbols and ceremonies appropriated from the Sufi brother- hoods of mystical Islam and two Sudanese Islamic polities- the Funj and Fur sultanates- that the Mahdists articulated their claims to authority" (pp. 2-3). Implicit in this claim is the author's disagreement with P.M. Holt, who suggested the Mahdist state inherited much of its apparatus and style from the Turco-Egyptian colonial regime (r. 1820-85) that immediately preceded it. The emphasis on the Mahdist state's connection to the Funj and Kayra dynasties (as they prevailed during the period fromroughly the 143 MESAI RO M E S I 46 l I 2012 sixteenththrough the early nineteenthcentury), reflects the author's belief in the authenticity,and autochthony,of the Sudanese Mahdist system and its wholesale rejection of the Turco-Egyptian regime. Yet while this idea of the Mahdist state's conscious emulation of Funj practice is fascinating, the book offerslittle to sustain it, aside fromoffering general observations such as that,"The Funj kingswere ostensiblyamong the firstruling Muslim elites in the Sudan to articulate their political legitimacyby using Islam and descent fromthe Prophet's tribe as a buttress to their authority" (p. 13). Although the book's title emphasizes attention to Mahdist ceremonies and symbols, the book engages just as much with the Mahdist state's invocation of deep Islamic historical precedents, going back to the early Islamic era. In this regard, Searcy emphasizes the strong influence of Sufi culture on the Mahdist enterprise and illustrates, too, the centralityof a broader popular Islamic cultural imagination. For example, the author notes the significanceof visions and dreams about the Prophet Muhammad, which both the Mahdi and Khalifa claimed to have had and to which they attributedguidance in statecraft. The author adheres very closely in this book to the text of his 2004 Ph.D. dissertation from Indiana University.He draws upon English and Arabic sources, including memoirs, histories, and primary-sourcetexts (such as proclamations and budget registersof the Mahdi and Khalifa,which earlier scholars in the field have compiled and published). For secondary sources, the author's use of books is quite selective- in some ways too selective- so that there are some surprising omissions. Notable omissions include Yusuf Fadl Hasan's classic history,The Arabs and the Sudan (1967); Anders Bjorkelo's book, Preludeto theMahdiyya (1989); as well as works by Gabriel Warburg,and particularlyHistorical Discord in theNile Valley(1992), which considers debates over Sudanese history and historiographyvis-à-vis the post-1820 period. The author leaves occasional points unsubstantiated or unexplained, and assumes a higher level of expertise in Islamic studies than many readers may have. For example, he challenges a claim that the British Christian missionary and observer of Islam, J.S. Trimingham,advanced in 1949, to the effectthat "animist" cultural elements persisted in Sudanese Islam. The author counters that, "This argument does not entirely reso- nate because there can be found in Islamic mysticism...Hinduelements as well as Neoplatonic influences" (p. 9), a point that may pertain to Sufism in general across the centuries of the Islamic era, but that says little about the Sudanese experience. Given, again, that so few historians tackle the Mahdist history of the Sudan, scholars will welcome Kim Searcy's book for continuing the 144 MESAI ROMES 146 1 I 2012 discussion about this fascinating period in Islamic Africanhistory. In this regard, scholars may appreciate reading Searcy's studyof the performance of Mahdist power alongside Robert S. Kramer's recent urban history of Mahdist Omdurman,entitled HolyCity on theNile (Markus Wiener, 2010). Heather J. Sharkey Universityof Pennsylvania RadwanZiadeh. Power and Policyin Syria:Intelligence Services, Foreign Relations and Democracyin theModern Middle East. London and New York: I. B. Tauris, 2011. xi + 228 pages, notes, references,index. Cloth US$92 ISBN 978-1-848- 85434-5. Radwan Ziadeh's Powerand Policyin Syria sheds light on policymaking in contemporary Syria and comes at a time the al-Asads' rule is nearing its end. Ziadeh opens a window on to Syria that is useful in understanding not only its recent historybut also its future.The reader will findthis text helpfulin delineating decision-making processes in Syria and interpreting internalpower strugglesin Syrian society and politics. Ziadeh's observation that "Syria is [in] a unique stage in its history" (p. 72) may appear like a prophecy now, as the so-called Arab Spring continues to evolve in various parts of the Middle East. In fact,it is but a confirmationof the accuracy of Ziadeh's analyses in this book. Now, "Syrians' re-discovery of politics" in the aftermathof transition of power from father to son is arguably at its height. As such, whether Bashar al-Asad stays in power or not, Powerand Policyin Syria promises to be a major reference to explain Syria's political struggles in the past decade as well as in the future. Dr. Ziadeh covers Syria's foreignpolicy withrespect to Lebanon, Iran, and Iraq. The argument in Powerand Policyis that Syria's domestic challenges demand more attention and hence Bashar al-Asad should institute a "strategic retraction" in foreignaffairs. That is, Ziadeh claims, Syria should progressively withdraw "from some commitments (while tryingto avoid any adverse regional and international repercussions) with a view to establishingdomestic politics on a new footing"(p. 127). The major strength of the book is its analysis of policymakingprocesses in Syria and in doing so illustrates the impact of Hafez and Bashar al-Asad in the making of Syria's foreign and defense policy. Ziadeh also illustrates how Bashar al-Asad is 145 .