Folklore Electronic Journal of Folklore http://www.folklore.ee/folklore Printed version Vol. 48 2011 Folk Belief and Media Group of the Estonian Literary Museum Estonian Institute of Folklore Folklore Electronic Journal of Folklore Vol. 48 Edited by Mare Kõiva & Andres Kuperjanov Tartu 2011 Editor in chief Mare Kõiva Co-editor Andres Kuperjanov Copy editor Mall Leman News and reviews Maris Kuperjanov Design Andres Kuperjanov Layout Maris Kuperjanov Editorial board 2008–2014: Dan Ben-Amos (University of Pennsylvania, USA), Larisa Fialkova (University of Haifa, Israel), Diane Goldstein (Memorial University of Newfoundland, Canada), Terry Gunnell (University of Iceland), Jawaharlal Handoo (University of Mysore, India), Frank Korom (Boston University, USA), Monika Kropej (Institute of Slovenian Ethnology), Kristin Kuutma (University of Tartu, Estonia), Aado Lintrop (Estonian Literary Museum), Wolfgang Mieder (University of Vermont, USA), Irina Sedakova (Russian Academy of Sciences). Electronic version is supported by Estonian Science Foundation (grant no. 8137). Printed version is supported by state programme projects EKKM09-168 and EKKM09-170. Indexed in EBSCO Publishing Humanities International Complete, Thomson Reuters Arts & Humanities Citation Index, MLA International Bibliography, Ulrich’s Periodicals Directory, Internationale Volkskundliche Bibliographie / International Folklore Bibliography / Bibliographie Internationale d'Ethnologie), DOAJ, C.E.E.O.L. Editorial address: Folklore: Electronic Journal of Folklore Vanemuise 42–235 51003 Tartu Estonia phone: +372 737 7740 fax: +372 737 7706 e-mail: [email protected] home page: http://www.folklore.ee/folklore All rights reserved © Folk Belief and Media Group of the Estonian Literary Museum EKM Teaduskirjastus/ELM Scholarly Press Estonian Institute of Folklore Authors Design Andres Kuperjanov ISSN 1406-0957 4 www.folklore.ee/folklore CONTENTS On the Present-day Veneration of Sacred Trees in the Holy Land 7 Amots Dafni Chaotic Identities, Love and Fathering 31 Stephen Williams Connecting Threads 55 Mirjam Mencej The Discursive Suppression of Women: Female Evils as 85 the Villains of the Motherhood Narrative Leyla Önal Folk Narratives and Legends as Sources of Widespread Idioms: 117 Toward a Lexicon of Common Figurative Units Elisabeth Piirainen Images of Birds in Mordvinian Mythology 143 Tatiana Deviatkina Rites Associated with Conjuring Rain in the Udmurt Calendar Cycle 153 Tatiana Vladykina, Galina Glukhova The Tallinn Department of the Estonian National Museum: 163 History and Developments Piret Õunapuu NEWS IN BRIEF Dissertation on Hidden Treasures in Estonian Tale Tradition. Katre Kikas 197 Thesis Defence: Piret Voolaid. Estonian Riddles as a Folklore Genre 201 in a Changing Cultural Context. Sirkka Saarinen Fragments from the Convention of Ethnographers and Folklorists. 203 SIEF Congress in Lisbon, April 17–21, 2011. Tiiu Jaago, Pihla Siim Taking Malta Out of the Box. Mare Kõiva 208 BOOK REVIEWS Words as Events or Events as Words? Kanni Labi 211 Folklore 4848Folklore 5 ON THE PRESENT-DAY VENERATION OF SACRED TREES IN THE HOLY LAND Amots Dafni Abstract: This article surveys the current pervasiveness of the phenomenon of sacred trees in the Holy Land, with special reference to the official attitudes of local religious leaders and the attitudes of Muslims in comparison with the Druze as well as in monotheism vs. polytheism. Field data regarding the rea- sons for the sanctification of trees and the common beliefs and rituals related to them are described, comparing the form which the phenomenon takes among different ethnic groups. In addition, I discuss the temporal and spatial changes in the magnitude of tree worship in Northern Israel, its syncretic aspects, and its future. Key words: Holy land, sacred tree, tree veneration INTRODUCTION Trees have always been regarded as the first temples of the gods, and sacred groves as their first place of worship and both were held in utmost reverence in the past (Pliny 1945: 12.2.3; Quantz 1898: 471; Porteous 1928: 190). Thus, it is not surprising that individual as well as groups of sacred trees have been a characteristic of almost every culture and religion that has existed in places where trees can grow (Philpot 1897: 4; Quantz 1898: 467; Chandran & Hughes 1997: 414). It is not uncommon to find traces of tree worship in the Middle East, as well. However, as William Robertson-Smith (1889: 187) noted, “there is no reason to think that any of the great Semitic cults developed out of tree worship”. It has already been recognized that trees are not worshipped for them- selves but for what is revealed through them, for what they imply and signify (Eliade 1958: 268; Zahan 1979: 28), and, especially, for various powers attrib- uted to them (Millar et al. 1999: 35; Hamilton 2002: 57). In addition, they are sometimes seen to be the abode of supreme beings (see Dafni 2006 for a re- view). Sacred trees are thus treated as any other sacred space, and it is there- fore not surprising that many of the customs and ceremonies observed in sa- cred places, in general, are also observed at the sites of sacred trees. http://www.folklore.ee/folklore/vol48/dafni.pdf Folklore 48 7 Amots Dafni In the Muslim world and in the Middle East, sacred places are closely re- lated to the worship of saints (Goldziher 1971: passim; Westermarck 1973, 1968: passim; Canaan 1927: passim; Arráf 1993: passim; Anabsi 2008: passim; Subtelny 1989: passim; Culmsee et al. 2005: 187–189), and in many instances sacred trees are connected with sacred graves/shrines and share common supernatu- ral powers: to grant divine blessings, to cure, and to punish offenders of the saint to whom the tree is dedicated and who endows the tree with its miracu- lous powers (Canaan 1927: passim; Dafni 2002, 2006, 2007a). Pamela R. Frese and S. J. M. Gray (1995: 32) note: “Sacred trees have a ritual significance. The trees and their meanings may be incorporated into rituals of curing, initiation, marriage and death. Trees used in any of these contexts stand for the divine and represent the sacred beliefs being honoured through the ritual.” In the same vein, Canaan (1927: 151) adds: “The present- day peasant does not venerate the trees themselves but the divine power which acts in them and which is derived from a godly person whose soul is supposed to be inhabiting the shrine, tomb, cave or spring with which they became associated. Often these holy men have appeared in the tree itself or near by.” Regarding this point, it is pertinent to cite John Mills (1864: 54) who de- clared: “Yet in no country are the people more awed by trees than in Pales- tine.” The current article, based on extensive fieldwork, surveys some aspects of the contemporary prevalence of tree worship in present day Israel, with spe- cial emphasis on the reasons for the sanctification of trees and the customs related to them. Also traced are the changes in the extent of the phenomenon over the past few generations and among the various religions. METHODOLOGY The field study, performed between 1999 and 2006, centred on thirty-five Arab, Bedouin, and Druze villages in the Galilee. Informants were asked, in an un- structured interview, about the reasons why certain trees became sacred, the existence of sacred trees (including historical and abandoned ones), who visit these trees and for what purposes, what the attitude of their religion is to tree worship, what supernatural powers are attributed to and what customs and ceremonies are observed near or under sacred trees. The survey covered 158 informants, comprising 47 Druze and 111 Muslims (54 Arabs and 57 Bedouins). The distinction between Bedouins and Arabs was made in an attempt to expose any differences in traditions regarding sacred trees that may reflect differences between nomads and settled village people. 8 www.folklore.ee/folklore On The Present-day Veneration of Sacred Trees in the Holy Land I took Arabs to be people settled in their villages for several centuries, and Bedouins to be people who originated in the deserts of Israel and Jordan, and migrated to Galilee during the last three centuries, and were nomads until the end of the 20th century (Medzini 1984: 30). The Druze are an eastern Mediterranean religious group first established in Egypt in the 11th century (Dana 2003: 3). Today they are concentrated in Lebanon, Syria, and Israel (Dana 2003: 8–14). Their belief in the revelation of God in the form of a human being is the most important fundamental principle of the Druze faith (Besterman 1928: 145; Dana 2003: 15). This is not in essence a ritual and ceremonial belief system, but rather a Neo-Platonic philosophy (Dana 2003: 17). The survey excluded Christians, who rarely believe in sacred trees, while tree worship among Jews is a new trend which appeared in the last two dec- ades. Almost all the trees worshipped by Jews are revered already by Muslims and grow in the vicinity of graves of Jewish personalities regarded as right- eous. In each village I carried out a preliminary survey to locate, a priori, the more knowledgeable people. I also sought important religious leaders to en- quire of their attitudes to the worship of sacred trees. I chose informants ac- cording to their knowledge of common/local traditions and/or religious status. The average age of the informants was 53.7 (+/- 13.6) years. Respondents com- prised 126 males and 32 females (in general, women were reluctant to be in- terviewed and, when they agreed, the interview was held in the presence of other family members). Because of the refusal of most of the informants to be videotaped or to have their statements recorded, the study is based entirely on oral interviews and field notes taken on the spot. I also surveyed 78 known sacred trees of which 37 are active centres of worship today.