CHAPTER 4 SECURITY ISSUES 4.1 Despite the end of the apartheid regime in South Africa, and successful elections in Namibia, Mozambique and Angola, political and social peace remains fragile throughout the region. This chapter examines both the internal security issues facing the SADC countries as well as some of the issues that cross national borders and have the potential to disrupt the stability of the region. Internal threats Transition to democracy 4.2 The most serious challenge to any country's security comes from an unstable political situation. Africa as a whole has a poor record of tolerance of political diversity, and the peaceful transition of power between opposing groups within many of its nations. As one observer noted: Africa had 150 heads of state between 1957 and 1990, but only six relinquished power voluntarily.1 Political conflicts inflamed by ethnic or religious tensions have slowed efforts to build stable democracies in most of Africa. The situation in Southern Africa at present, in comparison, is more positive. 4.3 Much of the evidence indicates that the sources of current threats to political stability across southern Africa arise from domestic problems and economic inequalities rather than from military domination and aggression. The Southern Africa Legal Education Assistance Foundation (SALEAF) argued, in its submission, that these threats include: ...racial and economic inequalities; processes such as the allocation of housing, education, health, and social welfare resources; and the distribution of essentials such as water and electricity. These pressures are likely to rise as the region's population continues to grow.2 4.4 The Committee agrees that domestic problems across Southern Africa are contributing to the struggle for stability and self-sufficiency among SADC countries. The issues identified in relation to human and natural resources are discussed separately in Chapter 9. 4.5 The SADC countries have moved towards democratic and multi-party systems of government at different paces in the post-colonial period. Botswana, although occupied in the past with resisting the South African apartheid regime's destabilisation, has had a 1 Democracy in Africa, in CQ Researcher, Vol 5, No. 11, p. 255. 2 SALEAF, Submission, p. S681. 27 relatively stable multi-party democratic government since independence in 1966. Similarly, Namibia has made a successful transition to a multi-party government since gaining independence from South Africa in 1989. This transition was made in the face of early charges of government corruption, interference from Angola and considerable resistance from South Africa. However, changes occurring in South Africa at that time gave Namibia the opportunity to resolve many of its internal problems. 4.6 Other countries have been less fortunate. Political violence and social unrest have accompanied Tanzania, Zambia, Zimbabwe, South Africa and Malawi, to varying degrees, in their quests for multi-party democracy. Almost without exception, the failure of neophyte democratic governments to provide quick solutions to endemic social problems such as housing, health and employment have been at the root of much of the discontent. South Africa is in a particularly vulnerable situation at the present time because of the apparent slow progress of the Reconstruction and Development Program (see paragraphs 6.22 to 6.33). 4.7 Constitutional changes in Zambia, which appear aimed at former President Kaunda and his party, have led to concerns about continuing stability in that country. Zambia has been viewed by many as a model of democratic reform since the holding of the first democratic elections in 1991. The charging of eight members of the United National Independence Party (UNIP) with treason; the expulsion of an elected MP by the Speaker following receipt of a letter form the member questioning the constitutional amendments; the imprisonment of two journalists critical of the Speaker's ruling on matters relating to the constitutional amendments; and serious questions about the independence of the Electoral Commission and apparent discrepancies in the voters roll all add to the growing concern about the political situation in Zambia. Kingdoms 4.8 Other forms of government exist in the region. The two smallest countries, Swaziland and Lesotho, are hereditary monarchies. In the Kingdom of Lesotho, the King is the head of State but holds no executive or legislative powers. The government otherwise is a multi-party democratic one with the Prime Minister as the head of government.3 The Kingdom of Swaziland remains under the aegis of the King who has executive powers. A cabinet of ministers, all appointed by the monarch, exercises executive power. Political parties were banned in 1973. Parliament is elected by an electoral college consisting of 30 members of the Senate (20 of which are royal appointees) and 55 elected members to the House of Assembly plus 10 nominated by the monarchy.4 Mauritius 4.9 After twenty-four years of constitutional monarchy, Mauritius became a republic in 1992 with a president as head of state. It is now a multi-party democracy; its parliament consisting of the National Assembly normally serving a five year term. The President is elected by a simple majority of all members of the National Assembly (some seventy in number). The Prime Minister, who is a member of the National Assembly, is appointed by the President. Apart from the National Assembly, there is a Council of Ministers that 3 Griffin, A. 'Lesotho', The World of Information. Africa Review 1995, 18th Edition, The Economic and Business Report, CNN International, London: Kogan Page and Walden Publishing, p. 95. 4 Murray, R. 'Swaziland', The World of Information. Africa Review 1995, op. cit., pp. 188-190. 28 consists of the Prime Minister and not more than twenty-four other ministers. The President also appoints ministers to the Council.5 Lusophone countries 4.10 Angola and Mozambique were once Portuguese colonies. Their paths to independence are littered with oppressive rulers and bitter civil wars. For the Republic of Mozambique, a peace accord was reached in Rome in 1992. The country did not achieve a substantial level of peace and stability until late in 1994 when it held its first official multi- party elections.6 Similarly, peace did not come to Angola until the signing of an accord in early 1995.7 With United Nations intervention, the Lusaka agreement for peace was signed in May 1995 between the President elect, Jose Eduardo dos Santos, leader of the Movimento Popular da Libertação de Angola (MPLA) and the leader of UNITA, Dr Jonas Savimbi. The Angolan peace, however, remains very fragile as differences between the MPLA and UNITA continue. The future of Angola's rich diamond provinces of Lunda Norte and Lunda Sol, presently controlled by UNITA, are the subject of ongoing discussions between the government and UNITA.8 The UN Security Council has threatened to impose sanctions on UNITA if it continues to delay implementation of the 1994 Lusaka Accord. 4.11 The ravages of civil war leave these countries in dire need of assistance. With an estimated two million landmines, Mozambique, along with Angola, has the highest number of amputees in the world.9 Both countries are extremely reliant on foreign aid. The Republic of South Africa 4.12 The parliament of the Republic of South Africa is a bicameral one consisting of a 400-member National Assembly and a 90-member Senate. Both houses sit for five years. Half of the National Assembly's seats are elected on a national basis and half on a provincial basis from a list of candidates selected by competing parties.10 The Senate has been elected on a provincial basis, with ten members from each of the nine provinces established by the constitution. A constitutional court was established in 1995 and has the power to change national law and to interpret the constitution. Under the draft revised Constitution, the second chamber will be a Council of Provinces. Each province will have 10 representatives, one of whom will be the Provincial Premier; six will be permanent and 4 'floaters', ie people expert on specific pieces of legislation.11 4.13 Civil unrest and political violence have marred South Africa's move towards a peaceful transition to democracy. In the four years before the 1994 elections, constitutional negotiations were undertaken against a backdrop of provincial and racial conflict. Multi- party negotiations in 1993 led to an Interim Constitution, which provided for the formation of a Government of National Unity (GNU) following an election result.12 Consequently, all 5 Hill, H. 'Mauritius', The World of Information. Africa Review 1995, op. cit., p. 119. 6 DFAT, Submission, p. S332. 7 DFAT, Submission, pp. S280-S282. 8 Wroughton, L., 'Angolans Discuss Future of Diamond Provinces', Reuters, 13 June 1996. 9 Poole, A. 'Mozambique' in The World of Information: Africa Review 1995, op. cit., p. 129. 10 Somerville, K. 'South Africa' in The World of Information. Africa Review 1995, op. cit., p.175. 11 Exhibit No. 69, p. 6. 12 DFAT, Submission, p. S353. 29 parties that received more than five per cent of the national vote in the 1994 elections were represented in the new government. 4.14 The GNU began its period in office in a spirit of consensus, cooperation and compromise. The National Party, led by Mr F. W. de Klerk and the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) whose leader is Chief Mangosuthu Buthelezi pose the main opposition to the ANC, which received 62.6 per cent of the vote in the 1994 elections. In the period since those elections, internecine fighting has occurred between ANC and Inkatha supporters in KwaZulu/Natal province, as well as between various groupings within the Zulu. Indeed, black versus black violence is of greater concern than tensions between the black and white communities at present.