Postinstitutionalized Children of Intercountry Adoption

Postinstitutionalized Children of Intercountry Adoption

THE JOURNAL OF SPECIAL EDUCATION VOL. 39/NO. 3/2005/PP. 157–167 157 A Few New Children: Postinstitutionalized Children of Intercountry Adoption Ruth Lyn Meese, Longwood University Research regarding children of intercountry adoption is limited, and most children of intercountry adoption have complex histories that may place them at risk for difficulty or failure in the classroom. Although the performances of some children from orphanage environments approximate those of chronological-age peers 2 to 4 years postadoption, duration of deprivation is consistently related, both historically and currently, to the cognitive delays and behavioral difficulties displayed by many postinstitutionalized children. Research regarding children of intercountry adoption is reviewed, and recommendations for future research are offered. Intercountry adoption, also called international adoption, and some have been exposed to alcohol in utero [and] chil- refers to the adoption of foreign-born children by citizens of dren with major medical problems or physical handicaps may the United States. In the decade from 1993 to 2002, 137,272 be placed in orphanages by their [biological] parents due to children of intercountry adoption entered the United States limited access to corrective treatment and rehabilitation with their new parents (U.S. Department of State, 2003). Ap- services” (p. 6). proximately 90% of these youngsters were adopted from Postinstitutionalized children of intercountry adoption, China, Russia, South Korea, Guatemala, Romania, and Viet- therefore, constitute a high-risk group; such adoptions are nam or former Soviet states such as the Ukraine, Kazakhstan, considered “special needs” adoptions (Johnson & Dole, and Belarus, with Russia and China alone accounting for 1999). These children may demonstrate complex behavioral, more than 60% of all international adoptions by U.S. citizens medical, and language difficulties (Gindis, 1997; Groze & from 1998 to 2002. Ileana, 1996; Johnson et al., 1992); yet their needs are not With the exception of South Korea, Guatemala, and well understood and their backgrounds are often unknown. parts of Romania, most of these countries use an orphan- Furthermore, the research that exists regarding these children age system to provide care for their abandoned children. is primarily limited to a select few within the medical com- Thus, more than 80% of children currently adopted interna- munity who practice at international adoption clinics, to par- tionally, particularly those from China, Russia, and other ent support groups (e.g., Families of Russian and Ukrainian eastern European countries, have spent one or more years Adoption, Families with Children from China, Parent Net- in institutionalized care (Groze & Ileana, 1996; Meese, 2002). work for the Post-Institutionalized Child), and to research The quality of institutionalized care varies, of course, among teams in Canada (Chisholm, 1998; Morison, Ames, & Chis- different countries and even among orphanages within a holm, 1995; Morison & Ellwood, 2000) and Great Britain particular country. Nevertheless, characteristics associated (Groothues, Beckett, & O’Connor, 2001; O’Connor, & Rut- with orphanage life, including poor health care, inadequate ter, 2000; O’Connor et al., 2000; Rutter & the English and nutrition, exposure to environmental toxins and infectious Romanian Adoptees [ERA] Study Team, 1998; Rutter, Krep- diseases, limited opportunities for language and cognitive pner, & O’Connor, 2001). Much like parents of children with stimulation, rotating shifts of caregivers who have little or disabilities in the years before federal legislation mandated no training, and regimented requirements for daily living, special education services, parents of postinstitutionalized may delay or preclude normal development (Johnson & Dole, children of intercountry adoption are often more “tuned in” 1999). In addition, children are most often placed in such to the special needs of their children than are professionals institutions abroad as a result of their birth history or be- in the schools. Consequently, when they approach their cause they come from single-parent, impoverished, or politi- school for help, they are frustrated that school professionals cally chaotic environments. According to Johnson (2000), do not know how to test or teach their children. Parents often “over 50% of institutionalized children in Eastern Europe receive conflicting opinions and encounter systems barriers are low birth weight infants, many were born prematurely, to special services for their children. Address: Dr. Ruth Lyn Meese, Longwood University, Department of EDUC/SPED/SOWK/CDIS, Farmville, VA 23909, (434) 395-2340; e-mail: [email protected] 158 THE JOURNAL OF SPECIAL EDUCATION VOL. 39/NO. 3/2005 Of particular concern are factors associated with prior played continuing delays in cognitive development even af- institutionalization that place children at risk for learning and ter adoption (Goldfarb, 1943; Provence & Lipton, 1962). behavioral difficulties in school. Moreover, prior institution- Moreover, studies of children adopted from Korea in the late alization combined with a shift in first language makes early 1950s and early 1960s suggested that as adolescents, children assessment for special education intervention essential but who were older at the time of their adoption lagged behind difficult. The purpose of this article, then, is to review what those adopted during infancy in both self-esteem and acade- is currently known regarding the growth and development of mic achievement (Kim, 1977). Although such early studies postinstitutionalized children following intercountry adop- have been criticized for methodological reasons (Morison & tion, to discuss the effect of a first-language shift on their Ellwood, 2000), similar delays have more recently been ob- learning, and to present recommendations for future research served in postinstitutionalized children adopted from orphan- to begin to understand and address the complex needs of ages since 1990. many of these youngsters. At the time of their adoption, children reared in insti- tutions abroad frequently evidence delays or deficits in lan- guage and cognitive, behavioral, and motor skills (Glennen, Literature Review Results 2002; Johnson & Dole, 1999; Miller & Hendrie, 2000). In To conduct the research for this article, electronic data- addition, they may have difficulty processing and integrat- bases (i.e., ERIC, MEDLINE, PsycInfo, and PubMed) were ing sensory information (Cermak & Daunhauer, 1997), prob- searched using terms such as inter-country adoption, Ro- lems developing healthy attachment behaviors (Chisholm, manian orphans, Russian orphans, Chinese orphans, post- 1998; O’Connor & Rutter, 2000; Zeanah, 2000), elevated institutionalized children, and internationally adopted children stress hormone levels with associated poor growth and be- to locate empirical studies reported in peer-reviewed jour- haviors related to posttraumatic stress disorder (Gunnar, nals. Online journals from organizations designating elec- Morison, Chisholm, & Schuder, 2001), and other unusual tronic versions as official peer-reviewed publications were patterns of behavior (e.g., hoarding food, rocking, aggres- also accepted (e.g., Pediatrics as an official online peer- sion, withdrawal, “quasi-autism” or “institutional autism”) reviewed publication of the American Academy of Pedi- (Federici, 1998; Johnson, 2001; Rojewski, Shapiro, & Sha- atrics). Databases were surveyed from 1990, when the first piro, 2000). Furthermore, these difficulties hold remarkably wave of Romanian adoptions began, to the present. A total of constant despite the country of origin (Meese, 2002). Al- 21 empirical studies were located from peer-reviewed jour- though we do not yet know how children of intercountry nals. Table 1 provides a summary of the research-based arti- adoption will fare over the long term, like their counterparts cles reviewed. adopted earlier from institutions in the United States, these Due to the limited number of empirical studies regarding children may not escape institutionalization completely un- these children found in peer-reviewed journals, parent organi- scathed (Johnson & Dole, 1999). zations, along with their respective Web sites regarding postin- stitutionalized children, were also searched (e.g., www.frua Review of Empirical Studies .org, www.fwcc.org, www.pnpic.org). Articles from these sources, literature reviews from peer-reviewed journals, and From Peer-Reviewed Journals papers from conferences held by parent groups (e.g., FRUA Fifteen of the 21 empirical studies available from peer- Conference on Educational Issues for International Adoptees) reviewed journals focused on children adopted from Roma- or professional organizations (e.g., International Society for the nia, with 13 of these reporting data from just two samples of Study of Behavioural Development; Society for Research in children living in Canada and the United Kingdom. Four ad- Child Development) were included but treated separately for ditional studies reported data regarding children from other analysis to provide a broader background and richer context. eastern European countries, such as Russia, and two exam- ined children adopted from China. Growth and Development Children From Romania. Johnson et al. (1992) exam- of Postinstitutionalized Children ined 65 children referred to an international adoption clinic. Long before the current interest in intercountry

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