THE LUTHERAN NATIONAL COMMUNITY IN 18TH CENTURY SWEDEN AND 21ST CENTURY FINLAND Pasi Ihalainen In early modern Europe, the contemporary concepts of “nation” and “fatherland,” as used in official state propaganda, were still frequent- ly constructed with language that we would easily categorize as “re- ligious”. National churches retained their status as formulators and educators of the official values and identity of each state for much of the 18th century as well. Their pulpits provided one of the most powerful media of the era, and thus the views expressed in them were truly of great significance. In their formulations of the values of the political community, the clergy reflected and were often more capable of responding to the changing conceptions of the political elites than has been previously understood. The rise of modern, more secular nationalism in the 19th century did not lead to the disappearance of the role of churches as cherishers of the identities of political communities. In some Western countries, the role of public or civil religion as the core of the official values of the state, and more particularly its institutional national identity,1 is considerable even today. By focusing on the use of the concepts of nation2 and fatherland in 18th-century normative texts and early 21st-century debates on the key values of a nation, this article dem- onstrates how well some religion-based interpretations of a political community are able to be preserved over centuries within a homo- geneous political culture and how difficult it can be to redefine them even within a far more secularized and increasingly pluralistic soci- ety. While the first part of the article is based on a long-term semantic 80 THE LUTHERAN NATIONAL COMMUNITY... analysis of the concepts of “nation” and “fatherland” in 18th-century sources, the second part constitutes a rhetorical analysis of how in- dividual politicians used related arguments and more “fashionable” political concepts to describe the uniting values of a nation in the context of an early 21st-century political conflict related to the same tradition of defining the political community. This long-term com- parative analysis – though based on sources created in dramatically different circumstances – helps us to understand prevalent concep- tions of political community both in 18th-century Sweden and 21st- century Finland. The findings of the analysis also suggest a surpris- ing degree of continuity between the two. In the 18th century, religion could still be used very effective- ly to express and construct uniform understandings of a national community. This was particularly true of the Kingdom of Sweden (which then included present-day Finland), which was an unusually uniform realm in religious terms. Every proper Swedish subject was also a pious Lutheran; it was impossible to be one without being the other. It will be argued in this article that some 18th-century Swed- ish Lutheran constructions of political community were so influential that their impact can still be felt in countries that inherited such self- conceptions, most especially in Finland. It will be suggested that the Finnish state has retained some Lutheran features more effectively than modern Sweden itself. Due to the intimate relationship between Swedish and Finnish political terminologies and political cultures, the willingness to cherish much of the Swedish inheritance during Russian rule in the 19th century and the new republic in the 20th cen- tury, as well as the support of Hegelian philosophy and the traumatic war experiences of the 20th century, the Finnish state has conserved some Lutheran features of defining political community. It will be shown that conceptions of the identical character of the religious and political communities, the tendency to define the limits of religious liberty in a rather intolerant manner and to exclude outsiders, as well as the ideas of the head of state as a religious leader and Lutheranism as an efficient educator of ideal citizens have survived in the Finnish concept of political community and still play a role in argumentative strategies employed by some Finnish politicians today. The first part of this article is based on some major findings of a comparative study of the uses of the concepts of “nation” and “fa- therland” by the clergy of the public churches of England, the Nether- lands and Sweden in the period of 1685-1772. On the whole, the period witnessed a considerable secularization in its political discourse and 81 PASI IHALAINEN major turns toward alternative, non-religious ways of using the con- cept of nation, particularly in England. The Revocation of the Edict of Nantes (1685) had revitalized old Protestant rhetoric, but, by the 1760s, the English, and to a lesser extent also the Dutch and Swedish clergy, had begun to describe the community in new ways. The pur- pose of the study has been to explain when, how, why, and to what extent religion-derived Protestant constructions of national identity began to lose credibility and new languages of politics supplement and substitute such traditional Christian constructions. The analysis reconstructed interpretations of the character of political community on the basis of approximately 500 state (or parliamentary) sermons preached by eminent clergymen to monarchs or representative bod- ies such as the two Houses of Parliament in Britain, provincial estates in the Netherlands, and the four estates of the Riksdag in Sweden on national days of celebration. These occasions provided the highest forum for defining the religious and political values of each state. Importantly, the speakers acted under strict religious and political control: Orders to preach came from political rulers, who formed the audience, and the same political rulers decided whether the sermon was published or not. Interestingly, in the 1740s and 50s, no spatial distinction between the opening service and the secular opening of the Swedish Riksdag was made, and thus the two tended to become intermixed in a manner that was unfamiliar in England or Holland. This kind of confusion of politics and religion was not considered a problem in Sweden; the secular and ecclesiastical dimensions of the powers that be were simply present at the same time and in the same place. On such occasions, the religious dimension of the Swed- ish 18th-century political culture appears as particularly striking.3 On the basis of Riksdag sermons given in Sweden during the Age of Liberty, or the estate rule from 1718 to 1772, it is possible to put forward several theses on the essential content of the concepts of fa- therland and nation in 18th-century Sweden as propagated by the state church. After reviewing some of these basic characteristics of 18th-century Swedish Lutheran constructions of national identity, we shall have a look at related, tradition- and religion-based concepts of nation upheld by present-day Finnish politicians in parliamentary debates. We shall also focus on the rhetorical attempts by some of those politicians to redefine the nation in increasingly secular terms. 82 THE LUTHERAN NATIONAL COMMUNITY... Identical religious and political communities In 18th-century Sweden, as seen through state sermons, the redefini- tion of the identity of the political community was a slow process, in part because of the strong status of the Lutheran clergy in a soci- ety which was unusually uniform in terms of confession. Conceptual changes in Swedish state sermons were rather modest when com- pared with their English equivalents, which suggests that there was no willingness or need to reconsider language use in as fundamental a way as in England. Yet there is no doubt that the set of values ad- hered to by the secular elite was changing and that the leaders of the Swedish Lutheran clergy also participated in the redefinition of the identity of the political community in the 18th century. Some cler- gymen also attempted to actively influence the development of po- litical values and the language of politics. There were several factors in Swedish Lutheran state sermons, however, which supported the continuity of the basic ideal of identical religious and political com- munities. In early modern societies, the concept of Israel provided the most familiar inspiration for the construction of national consciousness and was also the concept that was best suited to sermon literature. This concept, which carried a multitude of political meanings, was used with different degrees of seriousness and success in different national contexts. It was sometimes used to refer to local confessional communities, but could also stand for the national community or even the international community of Protestants. In Sweden, the concept of Israel was able to be used in a more in- clusive manner than in England or the Netherlands and could hence constitute a more realistic basis for the maintenance of the ideal of a unified politico-religious community with an identity. While theocrat- ic connotations of the Israelite metaphors declined as a consequence of the transition from absolutism to the rule of the estates, the role of the concept of Israel as a definer not only of the religious but also the political community retained its status and even strengthened. The religious and political communities were frequently identified in the prayers of the Riksdag and the events of the royal family. The confes- sional uses of the concept of Israel and those referring to Israel as a model political community were combined in Sweden to an extent that did not occur in England or the Netherlands, which allowed for the use of the concepts of fatherland and Israel as nearly synonymous expressions. In 1756, for instance, Olof Osander combined the politi- 83 PASI IHALAINEN cal and religious communities in explicit terms when he talked about “the citizens and inhabitants of our Swedish Zion”.4 A rather fictional construction of the Israelite model of political community was frequently used to describe the political reality of contemporary Sweden.