SETTLEMENTS AND PIRACY ON THE EASTERN SHORE OF THE BALTIC SEA: THE MIDDLE AGES TO MODERN TIMES VLADAS ŽULKUS Settlements and Piracy on the Settlements and Piracy on the Eastern Shore of the Baltic Sea: Times Ages to Modern the Middle Abstract In the 12th century, the Curonians dwelt in the east Baltic region between the Rīga area in the north and Klaipėda in the south. VLADAS ŽULKUS They reached the peak of their economic, political and cultural achievements in the 11th century and the first half of the 12th century. The roots of piracy as a phenomenon have a social character. The most active period of the Curonian Vikings begins in around the mid-tenth century, and lasts until the arrival of the Germans in the 13th century. The well-organised piracy of the Curonians became dangerous to navigation on an important maritime trading route along the east Baltic coast. The Curonians attacked traders’ boats, robbed coastal churches, devastated Danish and Swedish coastal areas, and even stayed for a while. In the times of the Teutonic Order, in periods of diplomatic and military conflict or trading competition, even officials did not avoid robbery at sea. The Palanga coastal population used to plunder shipwrecked boats, and went marauding in coastal waters until the middle of the 18th century. Key words: Curonians, Vikings, piracy, Lithuania, Samland, Livonia, Klaipėda, Palanga. Introduction to modern times; therefore, looking at piracy in such different periods does not undermine our research. The subject of this research is piracy by one of the Sometimes piracy was determined more by economic, Baltic tribes, the Curonians. Piracy in modern times ideological and confessional factors, sometimes by is reviewed in the area of the Curonian cultural legacy, political factors. The social phenomenon of piracy that is, in modern Lithuania. The seventh century is becomes more distinct in exactly this context. Piracy treated as the time of the formation of Curonian terri- satisfied the needs of a certain part of society, and these tory, when related coastal cultures, which existed be- needs were identical in their nature, but different in tween modern Klaipėda (Memel) and Liepāja (Libau), their content. For some, it was a question of survival; united (Michelbertas 1989, p.18; Tautavičius 1996, for others it was a chance to make a fortune, to become pp.77, 85; Atgāzis 2001). Around the tenth century, a person with influence and power. the northern boundary of Curonian territory lay close In the archaeological and historical context, organised to the River Tebra (Mugurēvičs 1987, p.64, Fig. 11; marauding among tribal Baltic societies seemed to 1997, p.78). From the 11th century, the Curonians have no links with territorial expansion, and is traced started expanding northwards, and finally reached from the fifth to the sixth centuries. Archaeological Vendian territories in the lower reaches of the River data about Baltic societies from the fifth to the sixth Venta,1 penetrating swiftly into Livonian territories up centuries enables us to trace a rather influential, rich, to the Bay of Rīga. The character of Curonian centres, well-organised, less dependent on the community and which began to emerge in Livonian territory from the relatively democratic social layer – companionship (in 11th century, was surely a type of colonisation (Аsaris German Gefolgschaft) (Žulkus 2004). In Taurapilis, 1997; Mugurēvičs 1997, p.78; Žulkus 2004). Around the barrow graves of a ‘duke’ and his retinue, dating the 12th century, the Curonians lived and controlled from the second half of the fifth century and the early the coastal waters along the eastern Baltic for a stretch sixth century, were discovered. They differed signifi- of almost 500 kilometres. cantly from others, as they were buried with horses, The roots of piracy are social. A favourable social en- and a huge amount of weapons and precious ornaments vironment for piracy and marauding was bred by an (Tautavičius 1981). Similar graves of ‘dukes’ or their immature or crisis-ridden society. Marauding on the companions from the fifth to the sixth centuries were open seas and in coastal waters (as well as overland) also discovered in other sites (Šimėnas 1992; 1994; has existed in human society from time immemorial up 2006, p.110ff; Vaitkunskienė 1995, p.163ff). Accord- 1 The Vendians withdrew to the lower reaches of the River ing to Vladimir I. Kulakov, in Prussia companionship, Daugava and later, pursued by the Curonians, settled as an exclusive tribal layer, not bound by tradition with in Latgalia, around modern Cesis (in Latvian Cēsis, in German Wenden). 58 other tribesmen, formed in the seventh century (Kula- of Curonian society and a strengthening of the social kov 1994, p.148). identity in the upper social strata became apparent. The conditions that permitted affluent people to be This second companionship formation stage in Bal- distinguished were the appearance of the institution tic tribes took place in the tenth to 11th centuries. It of private ownership and the tradition of inheriting then matured to a significantly influential social layer. property and social position. This stratum of medieval When speaking about two periods of the formation of nouveaux riches was already forming earlier within companionship, the fifth to the sixth century, and the 16 BALTICA society. The population increased, and an estate of ter- tenth to the 11th century, an exception is to be made ritorial ‘kings’ started forming (like in Scandinavia, for the Curonians. but a hundred years later). For example, according to Rapidly spreading Viking-type piracy, marauding Saxo Gramaticus, in the ninth century Hading-Hasting rather than trading, was copied by the Curonians from wanted to dethrone the Curonian duke Loker, Kuren- the Scandinavians, and it stimulated the existence of tyrannus Lokero (Švābe 1938, p.202). Meanwhile, the companionship oriented towards marauding overland opportunity to trade, and especially loot, in neighbour- ARCHAEOLOGIA and on the open seas. Most likely, the longue durée ing lands and those across the sea was a guarantee of of companionship in the communities of coastal Cu- rapid enrichment and survival. The most active period ronians and Prussians was established through piracy. of the Curonian Vikings begins in around the mid-tenth In the eighth century, Curonian pirates already used to century, and lasts until the arrival of the Germans in the reach the Swedish coast. They represented a compan- 13th century. ionship-type social layer. According to Blomkvist, the Due to social peculiarities, showing themselves in the Curonians could arrange flotillas for their naval cam- late acceptance of Christianity, piracy was acceptable paigns in the way the Scandinavian ledung was organ- even after violence and marauding in Christian areas of ised (Blomkvist 2005b, p.85). Scandinavia were already banned. Marauding in one’s The correspondence with Scandinavia is evident: until own territory was treated as wrong, since it was part of the end of the ninth and the beginning of the tenth cen- pagan traditions as written in the Knytlinga saga (KS, tury (before the formation of ‘royal companionships’) 51). One of the ways to win over pagans and stop pira- ‘Viking companionships’ (militaries from small terri- cy was by christening them and introducing standards tories, driving the ‘plunder economy’) were a substan- of Christian ethics. Christianity was a good way of pro- tial power (Blomkvist 1998, p.15). tecting Scandinavians from piracy. After 1095, Eirik III A similar nature of traditional companionship and (Svein’s son) started organising campaigns against eastern pagans, allowing all Christians and traders to FROM pirates is illustrated by a passage from a saga about ANCIENT Egil (the son of Ragnar). ‘He lived like a grandee. In travel peacefully wherever they wanted. Knut Lavard SETTLEMENTS told the Sambian trader Viðgautr: ‘Choose between the AND PIRACY the summer time he would go marauding and become TO TOWNS wealthy, thus subsisting his men.’ This important pas- following two: either you accept Christianity [...] or sage is known from the Knytlinga saga (2002, p.48). you will meet the inevitable’ (KS, 91, 113). Like the Scandinavians, the Curonian warriors, rallied Another factor stimulating trading and piracy was the by the richer and more influential members of their appearance of trading factories (emporia) in Curonian communities, would operate as pirates in their own (and also in Prussian) coastal areas. Coastal trading and foreign coastal waters. Around the seventh to the centres with the attributes of early urban settlements al- eighth centuries, separate, rather independent territo- ready existed in the tenth century around the southeast ries, existing in different economic conditions, formed (Wróblewski 2006) and eastern shores of the Baltic in the Curonian lands. Five ‘Curonian kingdoms’ that Sea, and in the territories of the western Baltic tribes. might have existed in the middle of the ninth century In Prussian territories, this was Kaup-Wiskiauten (now are mentioned by Rimbertus in Vita Anskarii. There- Mochovoe in the Kaliningrad region); whereas in Cu- fore, the different role of Curonian groups in the Bat- ronian coastal areas, remote transit and trading centres, tle of Brávellir around 750 is understandable. Saxo like Palanga, Eketė, Imbarė and Zlēkas Priednieki, Gramaticus wrote that some Curonians were fighting were emerging (Žulkus 2004, p.100, 107). Some of on the Swedish side, whereas others were maraud- them were also political and administrative centres of ing in Swedish coastal territories at the same time territories (‘smaller tribes’). (Mickevičius 2004, pp.107ff, 150). Next to Palanga and Eketė in southern Curonia, the The Curonians reached the peak of their economic, complex of Žardė-Laistai emerges in the neighbour- political and cultural achievements in the 11th century hood of Klaipėda in the 11th to 12th centuries (Ge- and the first half of the 12th century.