Toward a Theory of Mandarin Quantification The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Tsai, Cheng-Yu. 2015. Toward a Theory of Mandarin Quantification. Doctoral dissertation, Harvard University, Graduate School of Arts & Sciences. Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:17467512 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA Toward a Theory of Mandarin Quantification A dissertation presented by Cheng-Yu Tsai to The Department of Linguistics in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the subject of Linguistics Harvard University Cambridge, Massachusetts April 2015 © 2015 – Cheng-Yu Tsai All rights reserved. Dissertation Advisor: Professor C.-T. James Huang Author: Cheng-Yu Tsai Toward a Theory of Mandarin Quantification Abstract The goal of this dissertation is to show that certain puzzles in the syntax and semantics of Mandarin quantification can be explained from the perspective of Hamblin semantics. Following Kratzer and Shimoyama(2002), it is proposed that certain Mandarin quantificational expressions (including wh-phrases, numeral phrases, and strong quantificational phrases) denote sets of indi- vidual alternatives. They expand to sets of propositions in a pointwise manner and are selected by propositional operators. The distribution and interpretation of Mandarin quantificational expres- sions are constrained by the way alternatives interact with associated operators. Chapter 1 illustrates a number of issues in the behavior of Mandarin existential wh-phrases and numeral phrases, which cannot be easily explained by previous accounts. Chapter 2 investigates the properties of three logical operators h´aish`ı, h`uosh`ı and h´aiyˇou, which provide the initial motiva- tion for a Hamblin-style approach to the system of Mandarin quantification. It is argued that these three operators make a case for reading off Hamblin alternatives directly from the clausal syntax, and that, based on evidence from morphology and existential construal, wh-phrases in Mandarin pattern together with h´aish`ı-disjunctions and thus should receive a uniform semantic treatment. All types of quantificational expressions discussed in the first two chapters interact with the preverbal particle d¯ou in one way or another, and thus this element plays a special role in Man- darin quantification. Chapter 3 critically reviews three influential theories on d¯ou: Shyu’s (1995) focus-based theory, Lin’s (1996) distributivity-based theory, and Giannakidou and Cheng’s (2006) maximality-based theory. Chapter 4 is devoted to a novel proposal on the syntax and semantics of d¯ou, where it is argued that syntactically d¯ou is a modal head that agrees with a universal quanti- fier that collects alternatives introduced by the quantificational phrase to its left, and semantically provides existential quantification over possible worlds. It is shown that this proposal allows for a iii uniform account of d¯ou across different d¯ou-constructions, per the Hamblin-style analysis of quan- tificational phrases across-the-board. Finally, Chapter 5 reexamines the interpretations of existential wh-phrases and argues that in the few cases discussed the existential reading comes from not the c-commanding operator in the surface structure but from an invisible operator that collects alternatives. This operator is intro- duced into the syntax via agreement with the preverbal particle j`ıu, which is a related element to d¯ou and is overt in some of the cases at hand but not in others. Further consequences of the present approach to the behavior of NumPs and strong quantifier phrases are also discussed. iv Contents 1 Reassessing Mandarin quantification1 1.1 Goal of this dissertation...................................1 1.2 A reassessment of interrogative wh-phrases........................2 1.2.1 Wh-phrases in Mandarin...............................2 1.2.2 A historical perspective...............................4 1.2.3 Rethinking wide-scope wh-phrases.........................7 1.3 A reassessment of non-interrogative wh-phrases.....................9 1.3.1 Existential wh-phrases................................9 1.3.2 Universal wh-phrases................................ 17 1.4 A reassessment of indefinites in Mandarin......................... 19 1.4.1 Existential contexts.................................. 19 1.4.2 Adverbial quantification/generic contexts.................... 21 1.4.3 Negative contexts................................... 23 1.4.4 Wide scope again................................... 27 1.5 A Hamblin perspective.................................... 34 1.6 Kratzer and Shimoyama(2002)............................... 35 1.7 Mandarin wh-phrases in Hamblin semantics....................... 42 2 Logical relations and quantification: From morphology to alternatives 46 2.1 Prelude: Disjunction and conjunction in Hamblin semantics.............. 46 2.2 H´aish`ı-disjunctive questions................................. 48 2.3 The wh-morphology of Mandarin.............................. 56 2.4 H`uosh`ı-disjunction...................................... 60 2.5 H´aiyˇou-conjunction and “distributivity”.......................... 65 2.6 The syntax of sh`ı ‘be’ and yˇou ‘have’: Huang 1988..................... 69 3 Previous theories of dou¯ -quantification 74 3.1 Mandarin d¯ou-constructions: An overview......................... 74 3.2 The focus-based theory of dou ................................ 79 3.2.1 Three aspects of Shyu’s (1995) focus-based theory of dou ............ 79 3.2.2 Arguments for overt (A-)movement........................ 82 3.2.3 The semantics of li´an... d¯ou-constructions..................... 86 3.2.4 Reassessing the F-theory of d¯ou ........................... 86 3.3 The distributivity-based theory of dou ........................... 92 3.3.1 Three aspects of Lin’s (1996) D-theory....................... 92 3.3.2 Predictions and consequences............................ 97 3.3.3 Reassessing the D-theory of d¯ou .......................... 99 v 3.4 The maximality-based theory of dou ............................ 106 3.4.1 On Giannakidou and Cheng 2006......................... 106 3.4.2 Maximality in Mandarin: The case of d¯ou ..................... 109 3.4.3 More on d¯ou and definiteness: Cheng 2009.................... 111 3.4.4 Reassessing the M-theory of d¯ou .......................... 114 4 Unifying dou¯ -quantification 121 4.1 Unconditional d¯ou-constructions.............................. 121 4.1.1 Some generalizations................................. 121 4.1.2 Syntax......................................... 126 4.1.3 A note on pro-movement............................... 132 4.1.4 A note on the antecedent.............................. 135 4.1.5 Semantics....................................... 138 4.1.6 And?.......................................... 145 4.1.7 D¯ou and domain widening............................. 147 4.1.8 Over realizations of alternatives.......................... 150 4.2 Distributivity as free choice effects in disguise...................... 155 4.3 Universal mei... d¯ou-constructions............................. 159 4.3.1 On nominal mei .................................... 159 4.3.2 Clausal mei ...................................... 164 4.4 “Definite” d¯ou-constructions and the meaning of NumPs................ 165 4.4.1 Recap.......................................... 165 4.4.2 Proposal........................................ 166 4.5 Scalar d¯ou-constructions................................... 168 4.5.1 Core facts and issues................................. 168 4.5.2 Syntax......................................... 170 4.5.3 Revisiting Shyu 1995................................. 170 4.5.4 Li´an... d¯ou 6= shenzhi ‘even’............................. 173 4.5.5 Deriving scalarity................................... 176 5 Further issues 185 5.1 Revisiting existential wh-phrases.............................. 185 5.1.1 Negative contexts................................... 186 5.1.2 A new proposal.................................... 188 5.1.3 If -conditionals.................................... 192 5.1.4 Yes-no questions................................... 194 5.1.5 Deontic modals.................................... 196 5.1.6 The role of classifiers................................. 199 5.2 More on NumPs........................................ 202 5.3 Strong QPs in Mandarin................................... 207 5.3.1 The morphology of strong QPs........................... 207 5.3.2 The meaning of strong QPs............................. 210 5.4 Unresolved issues....................................... 214 5.4.1 Wh-adverbials and the A-not-A question operator................ 214 5.4.2 Two other types of d¯ou-constructions....................... 216 5.4.3 Other licensing conditions of strong QPs..................... 217 Bibliography 222 vi Acknowledgments The completion of this dissertation is not possible without the help and support from many in- dividuals. My deepest gratitude goes to my advisor Jim Huang (“Huang Laoshi”). Jim is an ad- mirable scholar, mentor, and teacher, whose work and passion have largely shaped my thoughts about research and being a researcher. I thank him for spending many hours discussing my projects with me, listening to