TWINS OR ENEMIES: COMPARING NATIONALIST AND ISLAMIST TRADITIONS IN TURKISH POLITICS By Birol Akgun* In the last decade, fragile Turkish democracy has witnessed the rise of the two dynamic movements: Right-wing nationalism and religious revivalism. In a comparative perspective, this paper analyzes and explores underlying causes of increasing electoral support given to the Islamist Refah Party or RP (later succeeded by Fazilet or FP) and the right-wing nationalist Milliyetci Hareket Partisi (MHP). First origins, historical evolutions, and ideological roots of both Islamist and Nationalist traditions in Turkey are introduced. Then, the evidence associated with the rise of these parties is presented drawing on public opinion regarding significant political issues, socio-demographic characteristics, and information on geographical bases of these parties. Finally, an assessment is made regarding the future of right-wing parties and democratic consolidation in Turkey. In recent decades, Turkey’s fragile socio-demographic characteristics, and the democracy has witnessed the gradual and geographical bases of the radical vote. steady rise of two right-wing parties: The Four basic questions will be addressed: Islamist Refah or Welfare Party (RP), later • Where are these parties located? (i.e., the succeeded by the Fazilet Party or Virtue electoral geography of the parties) Party (FP), and the right-wing nationalist • Why are they so located? (i.e., the Milliyetci Hareket Partisi or Nationalist aggregate characteristics of the Action Party (MHP). Although these two geographical locations) parties existed in the pre-1980 era and even • Who are the likely supporters of these took part in various coalition governments, parties, and why? (i.e., the social they were then marginal and parochial characteristics and issue positions of political forces. supporters) Scholars suggest that extremist parties • Finally, from whom do these parties become politically relevant when they receive support? (i.e., the political influence the building of coalitions and origins of voters) majorities in the decision-making system.(1) In the 1987 parliamentary elections, RP It is hard, however, to find comparative and MHP garnered only 7.2 and 4.3 percent studies on the political sociology of these of the vote, respectively. The two parties parties in Turkish political literature.(2) This formed an electoral alliance in the 1991 article’s objective is to document the election to surmount the ten percent national emergence of Turkey’s two right-wing electoral threshold. This “holy alliance,” as parties, the nationalist MHP and Islamist some named it, gathered 17 percent of the RP/FP, drawing on public opinion regarding popular vote and sent 62 MPs to the Turkish significant political issues, aggregate data, Grand National Assembly (which has a total Middle East Review of International Affairs, Vol. 6, No. 1 (March 2002) 17 Birol Akgun of 550 seats). executive, anti-Americanism, and cultural In the 1994 local election, Refah pessimism.(5) registered a dramatic victory by winning Not all right-wing parties express or share elections in 28 major municipalities all the core features listed above. Many of including Istanbul and Ankara, the capital. them, however, display hostility toward The following year, RP’s vote surged to 21.4 modernity, a hatred of political divisions and percent making it the largest party in the a search for social harmony, an exaltation of Turkish National Assembly. Although MHP natural community and hostility towards was left out of the Assembly due to the 10 foreigners, and a faith in hierarchical percent electoral barrier in 1995, its vote structures.(6) Sartori refers to such parties as doubled to 8.7 percent. In the election of “anti-system parties,” because they do not April 18, 1999, the nationalist MHP made a share the values of the political order within surprise showing by more than doubling its which they operate.(7) In this study, we share of the vote (18 percent) and entered accept a broader definition of far-right parliament as the second-largest party, only parties: any party that openly displays anti- six members less than the largest one, the pluralist political attitudes and beliefs, or is Democratic Socialist Party (DSP). The new viewed so by the scholars and the public at Fazilet, successor of the ex-Refah (which large, can be seen as a member of the was banned in January 16th 1998 by the extreme right party family. In Turkish Constitutional Court), lost some votes in politics the National Action party and the ex- 1999 elections. Nonetheless this party still Refah (Virtue) party are placed within this commanded 15 percent of the vote and fared category. even better in the municipal elections (18 Drawing on the accumulating literature percent). Thus the combined support of the regarding Western European right-wing MHP and FP reached 34 percent of the total extremism, first we will attempt to draw a vote and 44 percent of MPs in the Turkish picture of the geographical appearance of the parliament. MHP and ex-Refah, then using aggregate level data, examine correlates of the two NATIONALISTS AND ISLAMISTS IN parties’ electoral support. In the second step, POLITICAL CONTEXT the individual level survey data gathered At the outset, it must be made clear that during the period of increasing electoral scholars who study right-wing parties point support for the far-right parties (i.e., in 1998) to the lack of a generally accepted definition will be utilized. A profile of the individuals of “right-wing extremism,” even though the and groups more likely to be associated with term is used by a large number of people.(3) the MHP and FP will be extracted. Hartmann uses the term for all “progress- hostile forces.”(4) Some qualities and HISTORY, ORIGINS AND interests often associated with right-wing IDEOLOGIES OF THE MHP AND THE parties include nationalism, racism, FP xenophobia, anti-democracy, and a strong The history of the MHP and Refah-Virtue state. Falter and Schuman define ten features movements dates back to the late 1960s. of right-wing extremist thinking: extreme Although MHP’s roots can in fact be traced nationalism, anti-communism, back to the old Republican Peasant Nation ethnocentrism, anti-parliamentarism, anti- Party, (CKMP), founded by the former pluralism, militarism, law-and-order general chief of staff Marshal Fevzi Cakmak, thinking, a demand for a strong leader and/or it was only after Alparslan Turkes’s election 18 Middle East Review of International Affairs, Vol. 6, No. 1 (March 2002) Twins or Enemies: Comparing Nationalist and Islamist Traditions in Turkish Politics to the leadership in 1965 that the CKMP parties emerged can be better understood if embraced an ultra-nationalist ideological we know how social, economic and political stance and gained mass support.(8) During conditions evolved in Turkey in the 1960s. most of the 1950s and 1960s, the CMKP After the transition to multiparty politics, in remained a marginal party that drew only the 1950s and 1960s, the Turkish economy very limited support from inner-Anatolian experienced a great expansion generating towns for its conservative and populist considerable wealth. As a result of intense platform. Turkes, a former army colonel who industrialization and mechanization played an important role in the 1960 military agriculture in rural areas, a new working coup, reorganized the CKMP and changed class emerged in the urban centers by the late the party’s name to Milliyetci Hareket 1960s. Moreover, the 1961 constitution Partisi (MHP), or the Nationalist Action introduced a liberal political environment Party, in the 1969 party convention. Turkes that expanded freedoms of speech and himself was declared Basbug (commander, encouraged associational life. In this milieu, leader) and a new party program was socialist ideas and movements began taking formulated reflecting the new leader’s root in the society especially among Turkish ideology. The Dokuz Isik Doktrini (Nine intellectuals, academicians, journalists, Lights Doctrine), the essence of which was school teachers, and university students. In “communitarian nationalism,” became the 1965, an openly socialist party, Turkish official party program.(9) The rejuvenated Labor Party (TIP), participated in elections, MHP with new leadership and ideology and for the first time it gained 15 seats in the fared relatively well in the 1969 general Turkish Assembly. In response to this elections with its 3 percent of support militant socialism, the centrist Republican increasing slightly to 3.4 percent in the 1973, People’s Party (CHP) also moved to the left and 6.4 percent in the 1977 general elections. out of the electoral concerns, and defined In the late 1960s, however, another itself on a social-democratic platform. conservative right-wing movement based on The center-right Justice Party (AP), religious mobilization against the communist which had been considered a representative threat and monopoly capitalism was also body of the conservative majorities since the taking root among the Islamically conscious 1950s, failed to address effectively the circles. Having failed to gain a nomination growing concerns of the people in the face of from the center-right Justice Party, a rising communist threat. In addition, the Necmettin Erbakan, a professor of AP over time became closely associated with mechanical engineering from Istanbul big business interests, which alienated some Technical University, launched a political segments of its constituency. The traditional initiative to run for the Turkish Assembly middle classes (artisans, craftsmen, small together with his similar-minded friends merchants, etc.) saw monopoly capitalism as before the 1969 election. The movement did a threat to their economic prospects and were better at the polls than MHP. The movement concerned as well with the rapid socio- gathered 5.6 percent of the vote and gained economic modernization and cultural 13 seats, effectively becoming the fourth westernization of the country.(10) Thus, the group in the parliament.