CHAPTER SEVEN LUODI-SHENNGEN1 OR TRANSNATIONAL CHINESE? CHINESE SOUTH AFRICAN REMIGRANTS AND NEW CHINESE IMMIGRANTS Given the fluid nature of transnational processes, the fact that identity is always situated, under negotiation, and never complete (Hall 1990), the exploration of identity at specific sites and at specific moments of contact was to become more important to me than delineating a fixed geographical site (Louie 2004:9). Introduction Between 1952 and the late 1970s immigration from China to South Africa came to a virtual halt, with fewer than 100 Chinese permitted to enter. During these same years Chinese emigration from South Africa, which had started as a trickle, turned into a mass exodus. Then, beginning in the late 1970s and accelerating through the late 1990s, Chinese immigrants from Taiwan, Hong Kong, and later from mainland China began to arrive in South Africa in large numbers.2 The various causes for these movements have been discussed in previous chapters. These movements have resulted in the creation of new identities, caused existing identities to shift, and further emphasised the multiple, fluid, positional, and layered nature of Chinese South African identities. This chapter seeks to explore the impact of these migrations on existing identities and attempts to understand the new identities being formed. Many of the Chinese who left South Africa have since made their homes mostly in the United Kingdom, Canada, the United States, and Australia. These Chinese South African remigrants3 retain, to varying extents, elements of both South African and Chinese identities; they form the focus of the first part of this chapter. The second part of this chapter focuses on the new Chinese immigrants to South Africa. Amongst these 1 Literally, “growing roots where they land” or “planting permanent roots in the soils of different countries”, the concept of luodi-shenngen has been used by overseas Chinese scholars since the late 1990s to say that earlier immigrants have sunk deep roots in their adopted homes (G. Wang 1998: viii). 2 These numbers are extremely large relative to the size of the existing Chinese community, particularly given that immigration from China was prohibited until the late 1970s. Table 7.1 shows that as compared to immigrants from W. Europe, U.K, Africa, and E. Europe, these numbers are still quite small; however, Taiwan in 1993 still sent over 1,400 new immigrants (or close to 15% of total immigration) to South Africa. Furthermore, while the numbers of legal immigrants from China appears quite low, most reports indicate that the flow of illegal immigrants into South Africa has been quite high. 3 The term was used by Wang Gungwu (2000, 2002) initially to describe the ethnic Chinese who have moved from their homes in South East Asia to various Western countries in the last three decades. Chapter Seven 296 Chinese South African Remigrants and New Chinese Immigrants Chinese South African Identities new Chinese immigrants there are legal and illegal, wealthy and working class4. Some have stayed in South Africa and taken citizenship; others have continued to live and work in South Africa illegally, at the fringes of society; still others have moved on to other countries. These new immigrants, in part because of their numbers and in part because of their political, social, and economic activities, have become a highly visible part of South African society. They have also posed interesting challenges to the existing Chinese South African identities, which will be explored here. Neither population – the Chinese South African remigrants nor the new Chinese immigrants – was part of the initial conceptualisation of this study; however, it became clear in conducting this research that these emerging identities were clearly different from the three cohorts discussed up to this point. These new and divergent Chinese South African identities also provide further evidence of continuing shifts in Chinese South identities in the post-apartheid period. It will become increasingly clear that these new identities, shaped in part by state imaginaries and societal perceptions within specific socio-political-historical contexts, are also informed by myths, by essentialist views of culture, and in response to various mirrors that reflect different self-images. Are these Chinese emigrants and immigrants moving in and out of South Africa luodi- shenngen – now adapted to and rooted in their adopted countries – or are they part of the phenomenon of transnationalism – freewheeling global actors opportunistically moving countries putting on or shedding citizenships as best suits their personal financial interests? Do they form part of a global ‘brotherhood’ or ethnic ‘tribe’ of overseas Chinese economic actors on a global stage, connected by common ancestry, race, and ethnicity (Kotkin 1992, Ong 1999, Pan 1994)? These new Chinese South African identities have been shaped in the larger context of globalisation and transnationalism insofar as (1) some groups of Chinese migrants show indications that they are able to transcend national boundaries in favour of multiply-sited homes, economic activities, and split loyalties and (2) migrations have been made easier, faster, and less permanent. However, not all Chinese migrants of the 21st century can (or 4 There has been very little research into the population of illegal immigrants from southern China; however, based on their illegal status and work in the informal sector one could safely assume that they are not, by any means, financially well-off. Chapter Seven 296 Chinese South African Remigrants and New Chinese Immigrants Chinese South African Identities should) be classified as transnational subjects. A secondary aim of this chapter will be to critique the tendency in much of the recent literature on overseas Chinese to characterize all Chinese migration taking place in present times as part of a growing phenomenon of transnationalism (Palumbo-Liu 1999, Ong 1999, Wong 1999). I will argue that there are different types of Chinese migrants moving in and out of South Africa. Most of these do not fit the transnational mould. While the transnational, global climate might have some impact on why they move, how they move, and where they move, this study indicates that most of these migrations are neither related to movements of global capital by savvy transnational Chinese operators nor reasonably described as part of a “Greater China” (see Ong 1999, L Wang 1994, and Tu 1994). Chinese South African remigrants During the course of this dissertation research I conducted interviews with nine emigrated Chinese South Africans.5 Appendix Four at the back of this thesis provides brief summaries of them, including dates of and reasons for emigration, and adopted homes. The eldest of the group (now 70) left South Africa in 1959, while the youngest left just one and a half years before the time of our interview. Identities of these Chinese South African remigrants varied based on why and when they left, how long they had been out of South Africa, and the conditions in their adopted countries, particularly in terms of the treatment of immigrants. The racial climate and a political culture of democracy and meritocracy,6 in particular, proved to be most critical in the re-shaping of identities of remigrated Chinese South Africans. Why they left South Africa Most Chinese South Africans who emigrated during apartheid, left for apartheid-related reasons: discrimination, political violence and instability, and lack of the security that stems from legal rights. Those who left (and are still leaving) South Africa in the post- 5 Two of these interviews were conducted face-to-face, one in South Africa and one in California. Seven of these interviews were conducted electronically, in a series of e-mail communications. I also managed to have a few telephone conversations with two of the remigrants. I have, since 1999, also kept up my e- mail correspondence with two of the nine remigrants. 6 Despite the flawed nature of the democracies, perceptions of meritocracy and equality in their adopted countries had a tremendous impact on the shifting identities of Chinese South African remigrants; the belief that they were equal in the eyes of the law was particularly important to a growing sense of belonging. Chapter Seven 297 Chinese South African Remigrants and New Chinese Immigrants Chinese South African Identities apartheid period were leaving primarily for three reasons: (a) concerns about crime and violence, safety and security, (b) concerns about the declining quality of education and healthcare, as well as the long-term impact of these issues on their children, and (c) a desire to explore the world, as discussed in the previous chapter. The more recent immigrants revealed more flexibility in their thinking about emigration; they could be more flexible and opportunistic because they were not necessarily making permanent life decisions but rather temporarily exploring their various options. Those who had emigrated in the 1960s and 1970s typically had had deeper experiences of apartheid; many retained negative views of South Africa. Alfred, 48, for example, left South Africa just after finishing high school in the mid-1970s. He recalled, “Life in Africa was hard… (even as a child) we were treated in a very hostile fashion by the Africans.” Alfred said both the blacks and the whites treated the Chinese badly. One of his earliest memories, he reported, was of trying to join the YMCA. When he was seven and