Social Policy and the American Welfare State

Social Policy and the American Welfare State

CHAPTER 1 Social Policy and the American Welfare State Source: The Image Works 1 M01_KARG8973_7E_SE_C01.indd 1 12/5/12 11:45 AM 2 PART 1 American Social Welfare Policy ocial welfare policy is best viewed through would restrain Obama’s ambitions. Massive deficits Sthe lens of political economy (i.e., the interac- left by the Bush administration, compounded by a tion of economic, political, and ideological forces). severe global financial crisis and two unfunded wars, This chapter provides an overview of the Ameri- meant that economic issues would trump other pri- can welfare state through that lens. In particular, it orities. Reduced tax revenues would impede the examines various definitions of social welfare policy, ability of the government to meet existing obliga- the relationship between social policy and social tions, let alone expand social programs. Obama’s problems, and the values and ideologies that drive centrist inclinations to build bipartisan support for social welfare in the United States. In addition, the his legislative agenda failed as newly elected extrem- chapter examines the effects of ideology on the U.S. ist Tea Party legislators squashed most of his at- welfare state, including the important roles played tempts at compromise. Instead, ideologically driven by conservatism and liberalism (and their varia- legislators focused on social issues such as abor- tions) in shaping welfare policy. An understand- tion, and even resuscitated the previously long-dead ing of social welfare policy requires the ability to issue of contraception. Parts of the nation had not grasp the economic justifications and consequences just turned right, but hard right. Added to this was that underlie policy decisions. As such, this chapter the side-show around Obama’s birth certificate, contains a brief introduction to Keynesianism, free doubts about whether he was Christian or Moslem, market economics, socialism, and communitarian- accusations that he was socialist, and various other ism, among others. distractions. American social welfare is in transition. Start- The 2012 presidential election was marked ing with the Social Security Act of 1935, liberals ar- by the often extreme positions taken by Republi- gued that federal social programs were the best way can presidential contenders. Long dormant issues to help the disadvantaged. Now, after 70 years of like access to birth control resurfaced as Republi- experimenting with the welfare state, a discernible can candidates vied for the support of the religious shift has occurred. The conservatism of U.S. cul- right and Tea Partiers. This political climate led to ture—so evident in the Reagan, Bush (both Bushes), an anti-science orientation, often reflected in wildly and even Clinton and Obama presidencies—has left unsubstantiated claims. For instance, Jeanine Not- private institutions to shoulder more of the welfare ter, a Republican state senator from New Hamp- burden. For proponents of social justice, the sug- shire, claimed that medical evidence showed that gestion that the private sector should assume more birth control pills can cause prostate cancer. Todd responsibility for welfare represents a retreat from Akin (R-MO) stated that doctors had told him that the hard-won governmental, social legislation that it is extremely rare for “legitimate” rape victim to provided essential benefits to millions of Ameri- become pregnant: “If it’s a “legitimate” rape, the cans. Justifiably, social advocates fear the loss of female body has ways to try to shut that whole basic goods and services during the transition in thing down.”2 Despite the lack of any medical social welfare. evidence, former Republican presidential candi- The election of Barack Obama as the 44th date Michelle Bachmann (R-MN) warned that President of the United States in 2008 not only a Tampa mother told her how her little daughter broke a racial barrier but also promised to sweep suffered from mental retardation after getting the away the strident conservatism that had defined the HPV (human papilloma virus) vaccine. Other for- presidency of George W. Bush. The Obama victory, mer Republican candidates, like Texas governor with 52 percent of the vote and increased Demo- Rick Perry, believe that evolution is a question- cratic majorities in both chambers of Congress, able theory. John Shimkus (R-Ill) cited the Book of heartened liberals who had anticipated an expan- Genesis as evidence that climate change is a hoax sion of government social programs. However, the since God promised Noah he would not destroy the euphoria among liberals soon gave way to despair Earth due to people’s wickedness. Rick Santorum as the Democratic Party lost control of the House cited climate change a travesty of scientific research of Representatives and barely held on to the Senate designed to create panic that would lead to further in the midterm elections of 2010. governmental control of people’s lives.3 Nowhere While liberal pundits hailed the resurgence of is the power of conservative elements more evident “a vast new progressive movement,”1 structural lim- than in the gun control issue. Despite the spate of its and the emergence of a strong reactive element mass shootings—i.e. 2007 Virginia Tech shooting M01_KARG8973_7E_SE_C01.indd 2 12/5/12 11:45 AM CHAPTER 1 Social Policy and the American Welfare State 3 that left 33 dead; 2011 Tucson shooting that killed voting patterns between urban and rural voters, six people and wounded former U.S. Representa- young and old voters, religious and non-religious tive Gabrielle Giffords; and the 2012 Aurora Colo- voters, white and minority voters, and women and rado massacre—no gun legislation has been passed. male voters.8 These patterns reflect differing visions The response of Obama and presidential contender of American society and where it should be going. Mitt Romney was to pray for the families of the Structural features of the American welfare deceased. state militate against a major expansion of govern- Other wild allegations and statements cir- ment, per se. A pluralistic mix of private and pub- culated, such as Allen West’s (R-FL) charge that lic services is an overriding feature of U.S. social 78 to 81 members of the Congressional Progressive welfare. As in other realms, such as education, in Caucus of the U.S. Congress were members of the social welfare private institutions coexist alongside Communist Party. That would be quite a feat since those of the public sector. U.S. social welfare has a 5 percent of the total 2,000 (probably inflated) noble tradition of voluntary citizen groups taking members of the U.S. Communist Party would have the initiative to solve local problems. Today, pri- to make their way from a tiny office in New York vate voluntary groups provide valuable services to City to the U.S. Congress.4 Conservative rock and AIDS patients, the homeless, immigrants, victims of roll singer Ted Nugent’s commented that if Obama domestic violence, and refugees. were re-elected, he would either be dead or in jail. Social welfare has become big business. During On air, country singer Hank Williams, Jr. compared the last 30 years, the number of human service Obama to Hitler. The election also illustrated the corporations—for-profit firms providing social nation’s regional fissures. For instance, a 2012 Pub- welfare through the marketplace—has increased lic Policy poll of registered Republican voters found dramatically. Human service corporations are that 45 percent of Alabamians and 52 percent of prominent in long-term nursing care, health main- Mississippians believed that Obama is a Muslim tenance, child day care, psychiatric and substance (the other 40 percent were not sure). Only about 25 abuse services, and even corrections. For many wel- percent of those voters believed in evolution.5 fare professionals, the privatizing of social services By August 2012, the Republican Party had set- is troubling, occurring as it does at a time when tled on former Massachusetts Governor Mitt Rom- government has reduced its commitment to social ney as their presidential candidate. The subsequent programs. Yet, human service corporations will presidential election proved to be one of the most likely continue to be prominent players in shaping costly and acrimonious in recent memory. All told, the nation’s social welfare policies. As long as U.S. the 2012 presidential campaigns spent upwards of culture is democratic and capitalistic, entrepreneurs $2 billion, much of that from super PACs. However, will be free to establish social welfare services in the final list of 2012 expenditures might never be the private sector, both as nonprofit agencies and as known since some of the biggest spending groups for-profit corporations. were nonprofit organizations that were permitted The mixed welfare economy of the United to hide their spending from public scrutiny.6 States, in which the voluntary, governmental, This spending spree was spurred on by the U.S. and corporate sectors coexist, poses serious ques- Supreme Court decision in Citizens United v. Fed- tions for social welfare policy. To what extent can eral Election Commission, which maintained that voluntary groups be held responsible for public the First Amendment prohibited the government welfare, given their limited fiscal resources? For from restricting independent political expenditures which groups of people, if any, should govern- by corporations and unions.7 In the end, President ment divest itself of responsibility? Can human ser- Obama’s centrist positions led to a win of 303 vice corporations care for poor and multiproblem electoral votes compared to George Romney’s 206 clients while continuing to generate profits? Equally votes. important, how can welfare professionals shape The 2012 election also illustrated the deep divi- coherent social welfare policies, given the frag- sion in American society between the liberal states mentation inherent in such pluralism? Clearly, the (e.g., the Northeast, West Coast, and some Western answers to these questions have much to say about and Midwestern states) and the highly conservative how social welfare programs are perceived by hu- Southern and rural areas.

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