BESA Journal Truro, Cornwall, UK, ISSN 1366-8536, Summer 2002, Vol. 6 No. 3, pp. 25-32 Baron Franz Nopcsa and His Ambition for the Albanian Throne Dr Gëzim Alpion University of Birmingham This text was originally that of a lecture given by Dr Alpion at the School of Slavonic and East European Studies, University College London, on 9th January 2002. BESA thanks him for making it and additional biographical material available. Baron Franz Nopcsa was born on 3rd May 1877 at the family estate in Szacsal near Hatzeg in Transylvania. His family were Hungarian aristocrats. He studied initially at the Maria-Theresianum in Vienna and then from 1897-1903, when he obtained his Doctorate, at the University of Vienna. He is now considered as one of the founders of palaeo- physiology and is known mainly for his studies on reptile fossils, a subject on which he lectured. Nopcsa also became known for his research into the tectonic structures of the western Balkan mountain ranges and became fascinated by Albania. As a leading Albanologist of his day, fifty- four of his one hundred and eighty-six publications (1907-1932) relate to Albania. Nopcsa committed suicide on 25th April 1933, after having shot 1 his long time Albanian secretary Bayazid Elmas Doda. He is now as well known to German Albanologists as Edith Durham is in the UK. Baron Franz Nopcsa of Felsöszilvás (1877-1933) is a typical example of the early twentieth century Western scholar whose interest in Albania was ignited not simply out of curiosity for this exotic spot that was gradually emerging from the five-century long Turkish eclipse, but primarily by the interests of his own country. Nopcsa was not the independent tourist-traveller-turned-Balkan- scholar of the Edith Durham type. Nor was he a Byronic hero who sided with the Albanians from 1908 to 1916 solely because he wanted to help them to win their independence and establish an Albanian state. In spite of his disagreements with the Austrian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Nopcsa was throughout his involvement in Albania more of a ‘volunteer’ on behalf of Austria-Hungary than of the Albanians. Nopcsa’s publications indicate that he was ‘a most careful observer’ of the terrible consequences of the blood feuds in Albania (Durham 1985, 125). He also made some interesting comments on early and modern Balkan and Albanian history. In spite of his vast work on the Balkans and Albania, Nopcsa’s claim to fame lies primarily with his contribution to palaeontology. For a student of dinosaurs, Nopcsa’s initial visits to the Balkans and particularly to Albania were inspirational and enlightening mainly because Albania, especially its Northern regions, seemed to have frozen in time, hibernating for centuries. With its ‘wild’, ‘uncivilised’ landscape, laws and customs, Albania and the Albanians must have been in Nopcsa’s eyes something of a sleeping dinosaur. 2 But if Nopcsa was rightly impressed by the living past he encountered in Northern Albanian mountains, he was out of touch with that part of Albania and Albanians that was changing rapidly. Nopcsa, the successful palaeontologist, was not always the objective social observer of the Albania that was struggling to understand, come to terms with, and respond to the challenges of the twentieth century. To Nopcsa, as well as to other Western writers and travellers of his time, this new, emerging, challenging Albania was of no particular interest. Nopcsa apparently visited and departed from Albania with some preconceived notions, which he maintained to the end of his life. Nopcsa’s memoirs abound in conceited and often arrogant remarks about contemporary Albanians who were trying hard to save their country as the terminally-ill Ottoman Empire was finally dying. Nopcsa’s notes on the Albanian Congress held in Trieste from 26 February to 6 March 1913 verify this. His observations are of particular interest because of the insight he offers into the apparent intrigues and backlashes in the selection of a European noble to become the King of the newly independent Albania. Nopcsa’s memoirs about this particular event also reveal that his conclusions on some of the Albanian historical figures of the day were superficial and often erroneous. He takes it for granted that most of the Albanian patriots were simpletons and traitors to Albania. In his eyes, they all had a gargantuan greed for privileges and could be easily bribed. This is what Nopcsa writes on Ismail Qemali, then head of the provisional government of the newly founded Albanian state: As a long-term friend of the Greeks and as their paid agent, he [Ismail Qemali]…promised to facilitate their occupation of Janina if he remained head of Albania. It is obvious that Ismail Qemali wished to remain at the head of the provisional government because such positions usually bring in a lot of money…. I was easily able to foresee that Ismail Qemali would betray Albania to Greece because Stead had told me much about Qemali’s relations with Greece in 1911 and 3 because the writer Alexander Ular…had revealed to me a number of details about Ismail’s conduct as Governor of Tripoli. When Berchtold asked me what I thought of Ismail Qemali two weeks after he had founded the provisional government, I said to him quite literally, ‘Ismail Qemali is an ass’. Ismail Qemali’s betrayal of Albania was confirmed to me completely by Eqerem Bey Vlora, who was himself the son of the Albanian ambassador in Vienna, Sureja Bey, and the nephew of Ismail Qemali. I do not know what the Greeks intended to do with Ismail Qemali once they had occupied Janina. Perhaps they wished to proceed according to the old saying, ‘The moor has done his duty, the moor may now depart’. At any rate, intensive propaganda campaigns were being waged in Europe on behalf of the various pretenders to the Albanian throne while provisional government was being headed by Ismail Qemali, who was open to bribery, though only with large sums of money. (Elsie 1999, 332-3) It is not for me to defend the figure of Ismail Qemali or of any other Albanian politician, past and present. Politics and corruption continually go hand in hand everywhere. I simply intend to highlight a few flaws in the way Nopcsa draws some of his conclusions. Ismail Qemali may have been an ‘ass’, in Nopcsa’s eyes, but few can deny that he was not an extraordinary ‘ass’. A few days after the declaration of the independence of Albania at Vlorë on 28 November 1912, the Italian Consul reported to Rome: At the sudden apparition of new, unexpected enemies that could have condemned for ever the existence of the Albanian nation, they [the Albanians] got rid of all antagonism and gathered around a man quite superior for intelligence, experience and cleverness, and struggled to save themselves declaring their independence and applying to Italy and 4 to Austria, both willing to sponsor their cause thanks to a harmonious contrast. (Falaschi 1992, 106) The ‘quite superior’ man chosen by all Albanians was the ‘ass’ Ismail Qemali. Ismail Qemali, notes Renzo Falaschi, was ‘a man who had renounced wealth and glory for the sake of democracy and progress and love of his country’ (Ibid.). His father was a patriot deported by the Sublime Porte in Asia Minor for quite a long time, while the rest of the family were exiled in Salonica. After completing his secondary studies at the renowned Zosimea Gymnasium of Ioannina, he went to the Law School of Istanbul where he started work at the same time as an interpreter at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Ismail Qemali the ‘ass’ at that time was fluent in Albanian, Italian, French, Greek and Turkish. In Istanbul he was soon noticed for his ‘eclectic culture’, ‘ready wit’, and ‘enterprising spirit’. At the age of twenty-five, Ismail the ‘ass’ became Governor of Varna, welcoming Emperor Francis Joseph on his way to the opening of the Suez Canal. Ismail Qemali the ‘ass’ was also a very successful Governor of Constanza. As a governor he was instrumental in establishing agricultural banks for the welfare of Varna and restored an old Roman aqueduct to supply water to Constanza that needed it badly. This ‘ass’ of a governor was a committed humanist and scholar of the classical Balkan culture. It was mainly thanks to him that the site of the famous Pelasgic sanctuary of Dodona was found in Epirus. Ismail the ‘ass’ was the President of the Danube Commission. General Gordon himself must have been quite an ‘ass’ to have tried to have Ismail Qemali at his side at Khartoum, and to have had predicted that Ismail the ‘ass’ ‘will be a great man’ (Falaschi 1985, 352-3). Likewise, the famous liberal statesman Midhat Pasha must have been a real ‘ass’ to have considered Ismail Qemali as an asset to put into practice his progressive programmes. Like several other distinguished high-ranking Albanian politicians in the service of the Porte, Ismail Qemali strove hard, and of course failed, in his attempts to reform the Ottoman Empire. In 1892 Ismail Qemali 5 the ‘ass’ wrote to the Sultan: ‘The Ottoman Empire is of all nations that one that has most need of reform and reformers’ (Falaschi 1975, 229-40). Renzo Falaschi states that Ismail Qemali’s reports about the rights of the Armenians, the questions of Egypt and Crete and the Russian expansion into the Mediterranean were ‘masterpieces of realism and political clairvoyance’ (1992, 107). Having exiled him for seven years in Asia Minor in 1877, the Sultan planned to intern Ismail Qemali again directly after appointing him Governor General of Tripolitania in 1900, something which he avoided at once.