VOLUME VI, NO. 39 SEPTEMBER 30, 1953 THE AMERICAN DREAM ONE reason why Americans ought to have better many do—that he is somehow "better" or more sense than to worry so much about communism is "important" as a human being than the people of that Americans generally, and the so-called other races. The Africans of Kenya who break "working classes" in particular, have never been out in angry revolt; the South Africans who are able to take seriously the idea of the "class manifesting indomitable resistance to the injustice struggle." The fact of the matter is that there is of their white rulers—these people do not oppose very little "class struggle" in the United States. the white man's policies simply because the white There are special cases, of course—notable and man is more comfortably fixed. They oppose his important cases, such as the injustice to racial policies because those policies are founded on the minorities, which might be defined as a kind of assumption that the white man ought to be more class struggle. But on the whole, and except for comfortably fixed. (Lest it be supposed that these special cases, the people of the United Americans give no offense in this way, we should States are not divided into classes which are probably add that Americans have a "white clearly and definitely set apart from each other by superiority" complex all their own, dating from inherited cultural assumptions of class pride or pre-Civil war days in the United States, and a class humility and servitude. special sort of brash arrogance peculiarly odious American students abroad have noticed that to other races. But here, Americans are in overt the European "capitalist" is usually very different violation of their declared principles.) from the American capitalist—different in his Assumptions of this sort are a burning attitude toward himself, in his attitude toward his indignity to manhood. Sooner or later, they call employees. This is not to suggest that the forth the uncompromising hatred which insists American entrepreneur belongs to a special upon a "war to the death," and the psychology of angelic breed of free-enterprisers; the capitalist of class struggle and "liquidation" of the unclean the United States has his natural share of offenders against natural law—those people who acquisitiveness, and sometimes an unnatural cherish the illusion of being a superior class, caste, energy in exercising it, but he is lacking in the or breed. notion that whatever he possesses of the goods of The American labor movement has always this world comes to him as a quasi-divine right, been the despair of the European radical. The because of his status as the member of a "class." American labor movement has never shown any He may think he is "better" than other people, but lasting interest in the class struggle. It is not a this is because of what he has "done," and not revolutionary movement, is sometimes in fact a because he was born that way. distinctly conservative movement—a fact which Here, we think, is the root of the class has brought contemptuous epithets to the mouths struggle, where it exists. People do not bitterly of critics who observe the social scene in the resent having an unequal share of the world's United States from the viewpoint of doctrinaire goods. The Asians do not resent the presence and European radicalism. We do not mean to suggest persons of white westerners because they have that the class struggle in Europe has been without shown peculiar aptitude in amassing wealth and logic or meaning as a form of protest, and even comfort-supplying devices. The Asian resents the the inevitable instrument of social change. Sooner white man's assumption—when he makes it, and or later, men settle their differences and repair MANAS Reprint - LEAD ARTICLE 2 their injustices at the level of action which is most become a complete article of faith, how mighty would natural to them. What we are suggesting is that be our progress! the class struggle is not a natural form of . Why has that philosophy which makes clear adjustment for the ills of the American people. the value of the Constitution as an instrument of This has nothing to do with the question of freedom never been formulated? We will never whether or not Americans have ills and injustices formulate it until and unless we do honestly believe and practice the principle that all men are in essential to adjust—manifestly, they do; but only with the nature alike, working toward a common aim, and that possible manner of their adjustment. the welfare of one is in actual fact the welfare of all. If every American boy and girl and every citizen But if we dwell on the imperfections of the could understand the fundamental philosophy of the American republic and order of society, as we Constitution as it applies to international relations, must, we should first draw some important what a generous and electric part we might play in distinctions. In her extremely useful book, This helping to establish world peace! Constitution of Ours, U.S. Circuit Court Justice Judge Allen is not the first to say things like Florence E. Allen has written: this about the United States, although almost no Today, . more than a century and a half after one, we think, has said them any better. It would the adoption of the Federal Constitution, the political be easy, of course, for angry utopians to make philosophy which would enable that Constitution to scorching remarks about the failure of Americans be the complete living essence of our government, has to live up to the ideals here spoken of, yet this is a not yet been constructed. The principles which have made American life full, free, and generous are peculiarly tiresome form of criticism, since it embodied in the Constitution. In our failure to always ignores the fact that more freedom and— articulate and formulate our constitutional faith we important or not—more prosperity has been have emphasized the Constitution as a framework of achieved by the common people under the government only. Its great value is that it is an American system than anywhere else in the world, instrument of freedom. or during any other epoch of history within the The aim of the new federation under the memory of modern man. There is no historic Constitution was to promote the general welfare. necessity in the United States for the sort of This had not been the aim of government before the American Revolution. Sometimes a king was revolution which characteristically overtakes supreme, and sometimes an oligarchy; but the people European countries where the burden of feudalism were never supreme. still hangs as a psychological cloud, creating what Our theory is that it shall not be government by the Marxists have termed the Class Struggle. the official and for the official, by the politicians and There is plenty of room for change in the United for the politicians, by the rich and for the rich, but by States, but the changes which are needed, it seems the people and for the people. We have really put to to us, are psychological rather than political, and work the tradition that in this country government is of a culture-wide sort rather than applying to a to promote the general as opposed to the special welfare. It is a doctrine which we accept, that in our single class or economic group. national life we share in a great common enterprise to The MANAS staff, we are led to believe, is which we all contribute, the benefits of which are fairly expert in the art of finding fault, yet even accessible to all. Although the tradition has been put to work with varying intelligence, sincerity, and after due reflection we are unable to single out any effect, yet we do see evidence of a mighty cleavage single scapegoat or whipping boy for the troubles between our conception of government and the of the United States. We are all in this together. conception in force in the Old World. Behind the Pressed in the matter of degrees of responsibility, woof of our none too perfect social and political life however, we should probably come up with the runs a warp which is the basis of what James Truslow theory that the intellectuals are more responsible Adams calls the great American dream, or equal and generous opportunity. If this tradition were to than anyone else, since it is the intellectuals who, Volume VI, No. 39 MANAS Reprint September 30, 1953 3 for the most part, are swayed by the promises of of life, an attitude of mind, and not more or better "system" thinking in the area of social reform, and devised legislative planks. An oblique way of who have allowed the idea of "liberalism" to be approaching the question is provided by Frederik more or less identified with the movement toward Pohl in his introduction to a recent collection of the Welfare State. The intellectuals—especially "science-fiction" tales. Pohl is discussing the American intellectuals, with their proclivities for succession of themes which have animated these Pragmatism—are supposed to be too smart to be stories of the fantastic progress of invention. lured into some ideological fold by grandiose Originally, he points out, they were filled with theories, yet when one of their number, such as social content. Bellamy's Looking Backward and Judge Allen, resists the intoxication of utopian H. G. Wells' utopian romances immediately come claims, they usually turn upon that one with to mind as illustrations.