Judicial Activism and Overreach in India by R Shunmugasundaram

Judicial Activism and Overreach in India by R Shunmugasundaram

CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by SAS-SPACE Judicial activism and overreach in India by R Shunmugasundaram “Courts have played a salutary and corrective role in Judicial review is understood to be the revision of the innumerable instances. They are highly respected by our decree or sentence of an inferior court by a superior court. people for that. At the same time, the dividing line between Judicial review of executive or legislative actions is judicial activism and judicial overreach is a thin one. controversial, unlike the judicial review of judicial actions. Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh said the above The orders passed by lower courts which are either being while addressing a conference of Chief Ministers and Chief set aside, revised or modified, are greater in number than Justices of the High Court in April 2007 at New Delhi. reviews relating to executive orders or legislative actions. This statement is perceived to be the fall out from the However, criticisms of the judicial review of executive and widespread debates going on in various forums in India legislative actions are stronger and more vociferous. regarding judicial accountability. At the conference of Chief In our constitutional scheme the judiciary alone has Justices of High Courts and Chief Ministers in the previous been entrusted with the power and duty to test the year the Prime Minister, Dr Manmohan Singh, said: constitutional validity of legislative provisions and the “There is growing dissatisfaction regarding the functioning of validity of administrative actions. The superior courts are the executive and the legislature and their ability to deliver empowered to declare a statute ultra vires the constitution effective governance to meet the needs and challenges of our and to nullify an executive action as unconstitutional. times. These powers of judicial review are given not with a view to make the judiciary a supreme body superior to the other In this background, it is a matter of great satisfaction that wings of the constitutional framework, but to ensure a the public at large continues to hold our judiciary in high system of checks and balances between the legislature and esteem. The judiciary as custodians and watchdogs of the the executive on one hand, and the judiciary on the other. fundamental rights of our people has discharged its The mechanism has been devised to function in such a way responsibility very well indeed.” that the unconstitutional actions of one of the wings are This article attempts to highlight some of the incidents corrected by the other, and vice versa. It is not the purpose that would have contributed to the Prime Minister’s of judicial review to criticise legislative or executive actions, change of stance. A noted constitutional lawyer and former as the opposition is expected to fulfil this function in a Solicitor General of India, Mr T R Andhyarjuna, wrote: democratic polity. On the contrary, the judiciary’s role is to review executive and legislative actions and declare …“whilst the Indian higher judiciary is perhaps the most whether those actions conform with the dictates of the powerful judiciaries in the world today and the socialist Constitution of India. perception of it is very high, accountability mechanisms particularly in the disciplining of judges of superior court and Justice Dr A S Anand, former Chief Justice of India and the representative character of the courts have not matched former Chairperson of the Human Rights Commission of with the power and esteem” (Judicial Accountability: India’s India, while addressing on “Judicial review – judicial Methods and Experience 2003). activism – need for caution” said: “The legislature, the executive and the judiciary are three co- JUDICIAL REVIEW ordinate organs of the state. All the three are bound by the The Constitution of India provides for judicial review Constitution. The ministers representing the executive, the under Articles 32 (Supreme Court) and 226 (High Court). elected candidates as Members of Parliament representing the The Supreme Court has pronounced that judicial review is legislature and the judges of the Supreme Court and the High a fundamental feature of the constitution. The power of Courts representing the judiciary have all to take oaths judicial review by courts therefore is not subject to prescribed by the Third Schedule of the Constitution. All of amendment and thus has been effectively taken out of the them swear to bear true faith and allegiance to the field of Parliament’s power to amend or in anyway abridge. Constitution. When it is said, therefore, that the judiciary is The judiciary has declared a “hands-off” command to the the guardian of the Constitution, it is not implied that the 22 legislature. legislature and the executive are not equally to guard the Amicus Curiae Issue 72 Winter 2007 Constitution. For the progress of the nation, however, it is of violations of fundamental human rights were reported imperative that all the three wings of the state function in during the emergency regime, but still the approach of the complete harmony. courts was conservative. “A judicial decision either ‘stigmatises or legitimises’ a decision In ADM Jabalpur v Shukla (1976) 2 SCC 521 the Supreme of the legislature or of the executive. In either case the court Court held that a detainee under preventive detention did neither approves nor condemns any legislative policy, nor is it not have the common law right of securing from the courts concerned with its wisdom or expediency. Its concern is merely his release from an illegal and arbitrary preventive to determine whether the legislation is in conformity with or detention order, even if it was passed without the authority contrary of the provision of the Constitution It often includes of law. The reason given by the court was that the consideration of the rationality of the statute. Similarly, where fundamental rights guaranteed under the constitution were the court strikes down an executive order, it does so not in a suspended during the emergency. spirit of confrontation or to assert its superiority but in There was a huge change in judicial approach after discharge of its constitutional duties and the majesty of the emergency rule. law. In all those cases, the court discharges its duty as a judicial sentinel.” THE JUDICIARY IS NOT A DESPOTIC BRANCH OF THE STATE JUDICIAL ACTIVISM Although the Supreme Court of India has widened its Courts of today are not remaining passive, with the scope of interference in public administration and the negative attitude of merely striking down a law or policy decisions of the government, it is well aware of the preventing something being done. The new attitude is limitations within which it should function. In the case of towards positive affirmative actions, and issuing orders and P Ramachandran Rao v State of Karnataka, reported in (2002) decrees directing remedial actions. 4 SCC 578, has observed that In the estimation of an ordinary Indian citizen the “The Supreme Court does not consider itself to be an legislature and the executive have failed miserably in their imperium in imperio or would function as a despotic branch cherished duties towards the general public. The executive of the State.” and the legislators are made accountable for their actions. Their nearness to the people generates high expectations The Indian Constitution does not envisage a rigid from the public and attracts sharp criticism whenever their separation of powers, the respective powers of the three actions do not follow the expected lines. The common wings being well-defined with the object that each wing citizen feels that the administration has become so must function within the field earmarked by the apathetic and non-performing that they have no other constitution. The Supreme Court of India took all this into option except to approach the judiciary to redress their account in the judgment reported in (1986) 4SCC 632 in grievances. It is under this situation that the judiciary has the case of State of Kerala v A Lakshmi Kutty , stating that taken an activist approach. Judicial activism has flourished “Special responsibility devolves upon the judges to avoid an in India and acquired enormous legitimacy with the Indian over activist approach and to ensure that they do not trespass public. However, this activist approach by the judiciary is within the spheres earmarked for the other two braches of the bound to create friction and tension with the other organs State.” of the state. Such tension is natural and to some extent desirable. The judges should not enter the fields constitutionally earmarked for the legislature and the executive. Judges Judicial activism earned a humane face in India with the cannot be legislators, as they have neither the mandate of liberalising of access to justice and granting of relief to the people nor the practical wisdom to understand the disadvantaged groups and the have-nots through public needs of different sections of society. They are forbidden interest litigation (PIL). A postal letter or even a postcard from assuming the role of administrators; governmental addressed to the court is accepted for the purpose of machinery cannot be run by judges as that is not the initiating prerogative writs, with courts disregarding the intention of our constitution makers. While interpreting technicalities. The Supreme Court of India relaxed the the provisions of the constitution the judiciary often traditional concept of locus by allowing public-spirited rewrites them without explicitly stating so. As a result of citizens to bring public causes to the court. Thus, the this process some of the personal opinions of the judges number of PIL actions has increased since 1977. The crystallize into legal principles and constitutional values. growth of PIL post 1977 is mainly attributed to incidents which happened during emergency rule between 1975 and A classic example of the above problem is the recent 1977.

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