Geoforum 38 (2007) 1304–1321 www.elsevier.com/locate/geoforum Contaminated identities: Mercury and marginalization in Ghana’s artisanal mining sector Petra Tschakert a,*, Kamini Singha b a Department of Geography/Alliance for Earth Sciences, Engineering, and Development in Africa (AESEDA), Pennsylvania State University, 315 Walker Building, University Park, PA 16802-5011, USA b Department of Geosciences, Pennsylvania State University, 311 Deike Building, University Park, PA 16802, USA Received 14 January 2007; received in revised form 24 April 2007 Abstract This article provides a counter-narrative to the dominant discourse of marginalization and criminalization of Ghana’s illegal gold min- ers (galamsey) by focusing on the contested mercury debate. We first examine the complex and multifaceted policy problem that underlies the current conflictual aspects in the small-scale mining sector, arguing that mercury use and contamination are key elements in the antiga- lamsey rhetoric. Second, we describe an interdisciplinary pilot study on human and environmental health that involved health personnel and illegal miners from two sites. Through participatory ranking and mapping activities, we explored participants’ understanding of mer- cury and other life hazards as well as causes and consequences of mercury contamination. We used chemical indicator strips to sample contaminated areas in collaboration with the miners. By drawing upon novel concepts from the environmental justice and ecohealth literature, we propose a political ecology of human and environmental health that advocates recognition of galamsey operators and their participation in learning opportunities as a first step out of the current impasse in the Ghanaian small-scale mining sector. Ó 2007 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. Keywords: Mercury; Marginalization; Illegal mining; Political ecology; Ecohealth; Environmental justice; Ghana 1. Introduction hazards, illness, and accidents, and lack of knowledge about more efficient, safer, and environmentally friendly Artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM) in developing techniques. These factors tend to keep miners trapped in countries is a largely poverty-driven activity. ASM is a a vicious cycle of poverty and vulnerability (Heemskerk, practice that involves rudimentary techniques of mineral 2005; Sinding, 2005). extraction, highly manual processes, hazardous working In Ghana, ASM, mostly of gold, has expanded dramati- conditions, and frequently negative human and environ- cally in recent years. The country is currently Africa’s sec- mental health impacts (Hilson, 2002). An estimated ond largest gold producer after South Africa, with gold 80–100 million people worldwide are currently engaged in exports accounting for >40% of total export earnings (Mate, this industry and directly or indirectly depend on it for 1999,inCarson et al., 2005). Over the past ten decades, Gha- their livelihood (Veiga and Baker, 2004). While ASM has naian gold production from ASM activities has risen tenfold the potential to contribute to poverty reduction, it often and doubled since 1998 (Table 1), accounting for an esti- perpetuates poverty through high sensitivity to physical mated contribution of $461.1 million to the national econ- omy since 1989 (Carson et al., 2005). Between 300,000 and 500,000 people are currently involved in small-scale gold * Corresponding author. extraction, which amounts to roughly two thirds of Ghana’s E-mail addresses: [email protected] (P. Tschakert), ksingha@geosc. total gold miners (Carson et al., 2005; Ryan, 2006). Hilson psu.edu (K. Singha). and Potter (2003) estimate that half of those employed in 0016-7185/$ - see front matter Ó 2007 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. doi:10.1016/j.geoforum.2007.05.002 P. Tschakert, K. Singha / Geoforum 38 (2007) 1304–1321 1305 Table 1 high transactions costs involved in obtaining a license, and Small-scale mining, Ghana the non-transferability of mining rights (Sinding, 2005; Year Sales Ounces % Small-scale Andrew, 2003; Hilson and Potter, 2003). ($ millions) mining in The livelihood opportunities in ASM notwithstanding, total Ghana galamsey activities in Ghana have become increasingly 1989 3.4 9272 2.2 contested. As in many resource-rich developing countries, 1990 6.3 17,233 3.2 land use disputes are pervasive, although rarely the only 1991 5.3 15,601 1.8 1992 6.1 17,297 1.7 trigger for conflict (Andrew, 2003). In their study on con- 1993 11.5 35,144 2.8 flict mitigation in Ghana’s gold mining, Carson et al. 1994 34.7 89,520 6.2 (2005) outline conflictual dimensions of galamsey opera- 1995 48.7 127,025 7.4 tions around four axes: (1) encroachment on companies’ 1996 36.0 112,349 7.1 concessions and pilfering of gold ore and equipment; (2) 1997 28.4 107,094 5.9 1998 36.6 128,334 5.4 environmental degradation from the use of mercury in 1999 35.2 130,833 5.2 the gold extraction process and lack of rehabilitation of 2000 40.9 145,662 6.2 disturbed land surfaces; (3) social disruption due to the 2001 39.3 185,596 8.7 temporary and migratory nature of their work, including 2002 48.9 160,879 7.2 increased drug use, alcohol abuse, prostitution, communi- 2003 79.8 211,414 9.5 cable diseases (e.g., HIV/AIDS), school drop-outs, and Total 461.1 1,593,253 rivalries and conflicts; and (4) the militarization of some Sources: Amankwah and Anim-Sackey (2004) and Yakubu (2002). galamsey groups due to a growing inflow of firearms. In public and governmental discourse and the Ghanaian the sector are women, one of the highest rates in Africa. media, galamsey miners have been portrayed as a ‘head- Women typically work as panners, carriers, and processors ache’, ‘challenge’, ‘problem’, ‘menace’, and ‘threat’, whose as well as jewelry makers, cooks, and other service providers presence necessitates the implementation of a ‘lasting solu- (including prostitutes) in and around mining sites. tion’ (Ghana Web, 2004; Reuters, 2006; Mining News, As Ghana’s per capita income (GDP) is $434 and the 2006; General News, 2006; Regional News, 2006). Non- unemployment rate for the 15–24 age group has reached miners in mining towns perceive the galamsey as criminals a national average of 30% (in mining areas 70–90%), and reckless polluters of drinking water and other natural ASM provides a vital source of income to tens of thou- resources, the latter mainly because of the use of mercury sands of people who have few means for survival in the for- in the gold amalgamation process. In the environmental mal economy (Carson et al., 2005). Most men and women narrative of small-scale gold mining in Ghana, illegal min- engaged in the ASM sector are farmers and miners who ers have become the ‘villains’ in the cast of actors (Roe, have lost land to large-scale, multinational mining corpora- 1991; Adger et al., 2001). Concession holders stripped of tions. High unemployment rates in urban areas explain the their entitled minerals and profits and farmers who have rising number of former professionals, semi-skilled labor- lost their productive land are seen as ‘victims’ while gov- ers, and university graduates now found in the ASM min- ernmental agencies, mainly police and military forces ing sector (Hilson and Potter, 2005). cracking down on illicit activities, stage as ‘heroes’ in this Despite the state’s official policy to promote small-scale increasingly heated debate. mining as a catalyst for poverty reduction and sustainable The main purpose of this article is to challenge the dom- development (Aryee, 2003) and various attempts to regu- inant anti-galamsey discourse by reassessing the mercury larize the sector through a series of laws and enactments, debate from a miner’s perspective. This is a novel approach illegal mining in Ghana continues to be widespread. as public, scientific, and governmental discourses alike According to Carson et al. (2005), roughly 85% of the total have denied the galamsey a ‘place at the table’ to address labor force operate without an official license. Locally, contamination and injustice. The article is divided into these miners are referred to as galamsey, a term that orig- two parts. First, we use a political ecology framework to inated from the phrase ‘gather and sell’ (Rambaud et al., assess the complex and multifaceted policy problem that 2000). In practical terms, there are few differences organi- underlies the current conflictual aspects of the ASM sector, zationally or technologically between unregistered illegal with particular focus on mercury pollution. We argue that and registered small-scale miners, with the exception that mercury use and contamination are key elements in the the latter have security of tenure, or legal entitlement to anti-galamsey rhetoric of marginalization and criminaliza- work a plot of land (Carson et al., 2005). Illegal small-scale tion in Ghana. We contend that inadequate governmental mining is certainly not restricted to Ghana. According to policies, technological failures, and an ignorance of com- the International Labor Organization (ILO, 1999), up to munity dynamics in the ASM sector have all contributed 80% of small-scale miners worldwide operate without for- to a unique case of environmental injustice that has pre- mal authorization. The main reasons for the high number vented miners from participating in educational activities of illegal operators are land scarcity for small-scale mining that explore and promote more environmentally friendly under rapid demarcation of land for large-scale companies, techniques. 1306 P. Tschakert, K. Singha / Geoforum 38 (2007) 1304–1321 Second, we describe an interdisciplinary pilot study con- Inadequate governmental policies toward the ASM sec- ducted in August 2006 that sought to include galamsey in tor and weak structures of governance, as outlined by Car- the assessment of mercury and other life hazards, drawing son et al. (2005), constitute the principal form of upon the ecosystem approach to health, known as eco- marginalization. In essence, the state has turned traditional health (Lebel, 2003).