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I I O WinstonChurchill: We Wait Undismayedthe Pend~i~gAssault (20min.) I Signature I O SalvadorDeMadariaga: TheMyth ofDisarmament (24min.) I I O JacobBronowski: TheAscent ofMan (55 min.) I MailTo:aUe)lCIIC~RUm~ ) O LinusPauling: The Scientist: Researcher or WorldCitizen? (26min.) I RoomC405, 96 Broad Street, I 0 EudoraWefty: Learning toWrite Fiction (53 min.) I Guilford,CT06437Fax(203) 453-9774· (203)453-9794 1 OFrankLloydWright:~heArchitect: MasteroftheKno~How(34min.) L,,,,,,,,,,~ EDITOR’S COMMENT hile serving as U.S. ambassador to Yugoslavia (1989–1992), Warren Zimmermann witnessed the beginning of that country’s Wdissolution and tragic descent into violent nationalist conflict. In a compelling memoir that first appeared as an article in Foreign Affairs, the for- mer ambassador explained how the Bush administration sent him to Belgrade with the mandate to support “at least loose unity while encouraging democrat- ic development.” Not all U.S. politicians backed George Bush’s policy. Senator Robert Dole and others in Congress believed that supporting unity bolstered the position of the autocratic Serbian Communist leader Slobodan Milosevic. Democracy could flourish, they argued, only if the republics were allowed to go their separate, nationalistically determined ways. As it happened, unity was soon dealt a death blow. In a succession of repub- lic-level elections held after the reformist prime minister of Yugoslavia, Ante Markovic, failed to win approval for a federal election, Yugoslavs “vented their pent-up frustrations by voting for nationalists who hammered on ethnic themes.... Ethnic parties won power in five of the six republics, all but Mace- donia.” Disunion soon followed. But instead of bringing democracy and peace, it brought, at least to most of the former Yugoslavia, continued strong- man rule, armed conflict, and “ethnic cleansing.” In a larger sense, too, the Balkan debacle demonstrated the potentially disas- trous consequences of even the noblest of foreign policy principles—in this case, the principle of national self-determination, first put forth by our own President Woodrow Wilson. A lively awareness of such complicated legacies lends special force and insight to Ambassador Zimmermann’s contribution to this issue, a group portrait of the five larger-than-life figures most responsible for America’s entry into the imperial game, beginning with the Spanish-American War. He brings the practitioner’s experience to the business of scholarly reflection— another Wilsonian ideal, but one, we trust, with a far less ambiguous legacy. Editor: Jay Tolson The Wilson Quarterly (ISSN-0363-3276) is published in Deputy Editor: Steven Lagerfeld January (Winter), April (Spring), July (Summer), and Managing Editor: James H. Carman October (Autumn) by the Woodrow Wilson International Senior Editor: Robert K. Landers Center for Scholars at 901 D Street S.W., Suite 704, Literary Editor: Stephen Bates Washington, D.C. 20024. Indexed biennially. Subscriptions: Associate Editor: James M. Morris one year,