Fall 1996 M Albert Boadella and the Catalan Comedy of Cultural Politics Jill Lane I am a puppeteer without country or god who complicates the good progress of society -Albert Boadella Director Albert Boadella appreciates the seriousness of a good joke: three decades of playing well-targeted political comedy in Catalonia have—among other things—started riots, provoked bombings, and certainly won him a reputation as Catalonia's most provocative jester. In 1989, he chose to play a small joke on the Catalan government, which had for some time been planning the opening of their prestigious National Theatre. A dozen years after Spain's difficult transition to democracy, and only nine years after Catalonia was established as a relatively autonomous government, the opening of the National Theatre of Catalonia appeared to seal the region's long struggle for national and democratic autonomy. While promoted in populist terms—"a theatre for everyone, by everyone, at the service of everyone"—this state-funded theatre would serve the project of national reconstruction, complementing the legal and political process with that of cultural legitimation, lending coherence and world- class prestige to a rehabilitated Catalan culture.1 Albert Boadella was decidedly uncomfortable with this reinvention of the theatre as Catalan ideological state apparatus, and felt that perhaps he too, as the ranking theatre activist during the long struggle for autonomy, should reconsider his service to the nation. Thus, long before the National Theatre could inaugurate its lofty stage, Boadella announced that his own company, Els Joglars, would change its name in honor of the patriotic fervor apparently sweeping the community: Els Joglars would hereafter be called "Els Joglars-National Theatre of Catalonia."2 While not kindly taken by the directors of the National Theatre, Boadella's little joke underscores the persistent issues that inform the relation of theatre practice to the development, maintenance, and representation of national community—issues which have deeply informed his own career as well as Catalan theatre at large. Here, as elsewhere, the question of representing the nation in the theatre is one of both authority and strategy: who is authorized to "summon" the Jill Lane is a doctoral candidate in Performance Studies at New York University. She was director of the First Annual Performance Studies Conference (NYU, 1995). She is currently writing her dissertation on blackface performance in Cuba during the anti-colonial era (1868-1898). 82 Journal of Dramatic Theory and Criticism national community in representative stage practices; who determines the "representative"; and what practices affirm and secure its legitimacy?3 The case of Catalonia is even more complex: during and after forty years of General Franco's repressive regime, at stake was not only who could speak for the "nation," but whether the ethno-national community of Catalonia could have any voice at all, as the Franco regime had rigorously censured its native language and indigenous cultural practice, including theatre, and denied the region any political or legislative formation. After his death, the issue of how, by whom, and on whose terms the Catalan would be (re)constituted as a political and cultural entity in a democratic Spain has been divisive and hotly contested terrain. In this setting, the stakes and consequences for a specifically Catalan theatre practice have been formidable. A self-fashioned, self-employed, and enduring jester in each of these courts, Albert Boadella could reasonably claim the title "National Theatre of Catalonia" for his company. His work has, more than any other in the region and certainly more than an eleventh-hour National Theatre, been relentlessly engaged with summoning, articulating, and often challenging the boundary and meaning of national community. Indeed, one could easily interpret his entire career as an extended defense of the integrity of Catalan culture. His first appearance on the theatrical scene in 1962 set the tone for his defensive stance. As Catalan language was officially prohibited, he refused the political compromise of speaking Castilian and opted instead for a silent stage. His company, Els Joglars, was thus formed as a comic mime troupe. Established professionally in 1967, and gradually incorporating dialogue and sophisticated staging, Els Joglars took aim at government media censorship in El Diari (1969), state terror in Cruel Ubris (1972), at Franco's project of centralization in Alias Serrallonga (1974), and at state-sponsored political violence in La Torna (1977). Boadella's subsequent work continued to defend the Catalan throughout the radical social changes of Spain's transition to democracy and entry into the European Economic Community: against the encroachments of Anglo-U.S. culture through the economy of tourism in M-7 Catalonia (1978); against the dangers of a homogenized international, media culture in Olympic Man Movement (1981), Teledeum (1983), and Bye Bye Beethoven (1987); and against the self-defeating Europeanist aspirations of the Catalans in Virtuosos de Fontainebleau (1985). But this interpretation of his work, while valid, misses the punchline of the joke. Albert Boadella's theatre simply could not be anointed the National Theatre of Catalonia. For Boadella's most trenchant stand through these years has not been against foreign intervention in his culture, but against the systems through which the Catalan community itself might seek to anoint, legitimize, and dictate its integrity. No friend to official culture under Franco, he has been no Fall 1996 83 more a friend to attempts by the Catalan government to institutionalize its culture. He has taken sharp aim, in other words, precisely at the manner in which the national (Spanish or Catalan or otherwise) attempts to capitalize itself. Albert Boadella's innovation in the theatre, then, has been to summon and explore the meaning of national and cultural community while never capitalizing (on) it. As such, his work lends insight into the strategies of an enduring oppositional theatre which does not crumble with the demise of its opposition, and lends insight into a deeply politicized theatre practice which itself resists demagoguery. To negotiate this precarious position, Boadella has centered his practice not, as some argue, in his political persuasions,4 but instead in the mechanisms of effective comedy. In his words: "Societies create myths, flags, constitutions, hymns etc. and the comedians, with a most ecological attitude, take on the task of bringing them down, to demonstrate the relativity of the sacred. In that sense, then you see: I am a classic."5 Thus while his many productions over the years have explored, exploded and revealed the comedy of the divisive cultural politics gripping Catalonia, his work underscores and manipulates, in turn, the nuanced cultural politics of comedy itself. To tease out this complicated relation between the practice of comedy and cultural politics, I resist two possible pitfalls. First, I attempt to skirt the universalizing tendencies of theories of comedy: theories of the genre, from Bergson to Freud to Bakhtin, seek universal laws governing laughter, thereby emptying specific comic practices of their social particularity. In this theory, laughter has no history and no culture; its politics are an afterthought. Yet I am equally hesitant to reduce Boadella's comedy to some broad notion of "political theatre," which often amounts to little more than flattening laughter into a political slogan, and does not in turn account for the particularity of the artistic practice. While this essay cannot aspire to resolve fully these large theoretical concerns, I believe that Boadella's work in effect performs its own theory of how the mechanisms of comedy and those of politically committed theatre may inform and deform one another in practice. Focusing on his practice during the critical years of Catalonia's social and political transition before and after Franco, 1967- 1985, I explore the transition in Boadella's own comedy from the technique of mime under censorship to that of paratheatre in a democratic Spain. Throughout, I trace the production of a laughter that is culturally specific, politically astute, and never easily co-opted by those in power. Comedy under censorship: Catalan sign-language Albert Boadella's initial training in mime established the ground for his subsequent approach to both cultural politics and comedy. Els Joglars' early 84 Journal of Dramatic Theory and Criticism work—first mime skits performed in amateur venues, later more complex productions in professional performance spaces—roughly corresponds to their years under Franco (1967-1977). Their politics in this period were characterized by a pro-Catalanist tenor, and their comedy advanced an anti-fascist parody of the Franco regime. Working in mime, their theatre stood in sharp contrast in form and methods of conventional dramatic theatre, stagnating under years of censorship. Beginning with the silent, neutralized body of the mime-actor on an empty stage, Els Joglars initially summoned their national community by staging its absence. The visible trappings of the culture were nowhere present, but the audiences of the leftist Catalan cabarets where they performed readily understood that absence as a critique of Franco's censure of their culture. Boadella remarks, Els Joglars were "performing mime—mute, but in Catalan, so it seems."6 In an atmosphere heavily weighed with censorship, the body of the comic mime oscillated between fierce parody and necessary camouflage. "Any gesture properly distorted could mean something else"7 recalls one of the actors; a simple image, like that of "an old man giving orders could produce an immediate association of ideas," recalling Franco, says Boadella. "Winking at the audience did not have to pass through the censors."8 Masquerading as Marceau-inspired clowns, they conjured not butterflies and absent walls, but a communal, conspiratorial laughter with their Catalan audiences. Boadella's "winking at the audience" capitalizes on what we might call an "ethnographic pact" already operative within the logic of comedy.