Études Photographiques, 29 | 2012 the Wiederaufbau of Perception 2

Études Photographiques, 29 | 2012 the Wiederaufbau of Perception 2

Études photographiques 29 | 2012 Guerre et Iphone / La photographie allemande / Curtis / Ford The Wiederaufbau of Perception German Photography in the Postwar Moment, 1945–1950 Andrés Mario Zervigón Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/etudesphotographiques/3476 ISSN: 1777-5302 Publisher Société française de photographie Printed version Date of publication: 24 May 2012 ISBN: 9782911961298 ISSN: 1270-9050 Electronic reference Andrés Mario Zervigón, « The Wiederaufbau of Perception », Études photographiques [Online], 29 | 2012, Online since 24 June 2014, connection on 04 May 2019. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/ etudesphotographiques/3476 This text was automatically generated on 4 May 2019. Propriété intellectuelle The Wiederaufbau of Perception 1 The Wiederaufbau of Perception German Photography in the Postwar Moment, 1945–1950 Andrés Mario Zervigón 1 In the summer of 1943, during a long heat wave, the RAF (Royal Air Force), supported by the US Eighth Army Air Force, flew a series of raids on Hamburg.’ So begins German author W.G. Sebald’s account of the firebombing of this northern German city in his book Luftkrieg und Literatur. With a thoroughly straightforward – if sometimes fragmented – vocabulary, Sebald goes on to regale his reader with the grizzly details that follow his textual establishing shot: ‘In a raid early in the morning on July 27, beginning at one A.M., ten thousand tons of high explosive and incendiary bombs were dropped on the densely populated residential areas east of the Elbe … A now familiar sequence of events occurred: first all the doors and windows were torn from their frames and smashed by high- explosive bombs weighing four thousand pounds, then the attic floors of the buildings were ignited by lightweight incendiary mixtures, and at the same time firebombs weighing up to fifteen kilograms fell into the lower storeys. Within a few minutes, huge fires were burning all over the target area, which covered some twenty square kilometers, and they merged so rapidly that only a quarter of an hour after the first bombs had dropped the whole airspace was a sea of flames as far as one could see.’1 2 Sebald’s account, written in 1999, continues by describing how these flames merged into a firestorm that ‘snatched oxygen to itself so violently’ that burning hurricane-force winds rushed toward the city centre lifting gables and roofs, flinging rafters, melting tram car windows, boiling stocks of sugar in bakers’ cellars, and driving human beings ‘like living torches.’ Just as horrifically, those who fled air raid shelters to escape their oxygen-deprived suffocation ‘sank, with grotesque contortions, in the thick bubbles thrown up by melting asphalt’ or simply experienced instant desiccation as the blast- furnace-like winds sucked away their hydration without mercy. The heat generated by these fires was so great that ‘bomber pilots said they had felt [it] through the side of their planes.’2 3 Events such as these, experienced in numerous German cities, were unprecedented in their scale and horror. Moreover, they ran parallel to the indescribable atrocities of the Études photographiques, 29 | 2012 The Wiederaufbau of Perception 2 Holocaust that fellow citizens committed, the war crimes committed by National Socialism’s armies in the East, and the generalized density of totalitarian oppression that bedaubed Germany through the 1930s and early 1940s like a smothering blanket. Given these deeply traumatizing conditions preceding the mid-1945 defeat, postwar Germany faced a tremendous challenge in digesting and articulating its memory of the preceding twelve years of terror. 4 Yet, somehow, this task actually had to wait twenty years until the arrival of film directors such as Alexander Kluge and Margarethe von Trotte, novelists like Ruth Rehmann and Heinrich Böll, and painters like Gerhard Richter and Anselm Kiefer. Their work of coming to terms with the past has since been taken up by others who fastidiously devise new ways of digesting the country’s difficult history. Artist and historian of photography Rudolf Herz, for example, directly confronted the cultural memory of Nazi- era Germany by, among other things, reproducing multiple photographs of Adolf Hitler and displaying them as murals. In his Zugzwang (1995), Herz pairs a once ubiquitous portrait of Hitler with another likeness of Marcel Duchamp. Both, it turns out, were snapped by the man who became Hitler’s personal photographer, Heinrich Hoffmann. Herz’s photomural thus points to an uneasy historical coincidence while emphasizing the visual normality of both ‘evil’ and avant-garde genius, and the unwelcome grimace of Hitler that this normality once swaddled.3 In adapting the contemporary practices of conceptual and installation art to the task of collective memory-making, Herz introduced a new and forceful way to process the traumatic past.4 5 But it is with the arrival of Sebald’s accounts in the same decade of the 1990s that the contrasting need for, and inadequacy of, collective German memory about fascism and the war were thoroughly introduced as an innovative narrative strategy. It is precisely this inventive aesthetic formula, made in response to ‘extreme history,’ to use Todd S. Presner’s recently coined term, that forms the subject of this essay. More specifically, the following pages inquire into the marked absence of such aesthetic innovation in postwar German photography during the five years that followed the Second World War’s conclusion. Why, I ask, was this corpus of images so conventional both in content and style? 6 Looking back from today’s vantage point, a number of signals delivered at the war’s end suggested that a modest aesthetic experimentation, capable of powering new ways of confronting the recent past, might have indeed arisen from the ashes of Germany’s defeat. Wolfgang Staudte’s 1945/46 film The Murderers Are among Us, for example, squarely focused on the unpunished war crimes of fellow citizens. In his film, the lingering trauma embodied by comfortably surviving persecutors, living in plain sight, is dramatically mirrored in towering slivers of ruined buildings that collapse into clouds of punishing dust between the movie’s scenes. 7 In another signal of aesthetic reconciliation, Dresden press photographer Richard Peter climbed into his city’s ghostly air raid shelters, which had become tombs, and snapped uncomfortably close photographs of strangely desiccated corpses. In his pictures, a suffocated mother collapses over her dead twins’ pram, a closely framed woman lies buried to her bust in rubble, and a fully outfitted soldier seemingly screams from his ruin-strewn expiration. Germany, in these moments following total defeat, seemed ready to confront the memory of its past with reasonably innovative pictorial representations of that past’s location in the present. The result could have been a vitally important Études photographiques, 29 | 2012 The Wiederaufbau of Perception 3 public confrontation with a recent history whose horror was so great that it escaped conventional forms of representation. 8 Yet this moment of aesthetically fresh reflection would scarcely last. By 1949, the subject of war crimes disappeared from the cinema of Germany’s occupied zones while even piles of rubble (Trümmer), so central to the everyday experience of urban residents, fell from the content of photography. Instead of these lingering signs of atrocity and destruction, audiences in the West, who largely consumed their images from film, illustrated periodicals, and photobooks, found themselves fed a conventional pictorial fare. Standard forms of narrative cinema now reigned while a conventional diet of photojournalism, touting the country’s coming reconstruction (Wiederaufbau), nourished audiences with reassuring visions of the future. Particularly after the founding of the two Germanys in 1949, photographs in the Federal Republic’s print media highlighted the country’s quickly developing consumer economy, while residents in the German Democratic Republic found straightforward prints of heroic socialist reconstruction.5 In the new West and East, photographers avoided difficult subject matter and postponed the development of a new visual grammar that might have helped digest the lingering presence of a deeply traumatic past. 9 Quite intriguingly, this pictorial docility stood in stark contrast to the country’s pioneering encounter with photography made just two and a half decades earlier. Following World War I, German photographers, artists, and pamphleteers unhesitatingly confronted the unfathomable experience of combat and the disorienting spectre of the revolution that rocked the nation from 1918–19. To approximate these phenomena with images, artists and activists devised extraordinarily novel techniques. Members of Berlin’s Dada movement, for example, composed photomontages in which a harried contemporaneity of volatile speech and physical violence seemingly stamped itself directly on pictures, thereby advancing well beyond photographs merely imprinted by light. In one such composition, John Heartfield and George Grosz collaboratively ‘assembled’ Sunnyland [Sonnigesland], the largely photographic detritus of Germany’s wartime ‘Hurrah Kitsch,’ in order to re-present it as a confused and contorted explosion. Militarist images that once offered soothing visions of clean and heroic war now waged an outright assault on viewer perception. The observer of this montage literally had to physically contort herself to

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