UNIVERSIi •,;;:•• C,r£0\WiC:- LIBPARY FOR REFERENCE USE ONly 'SO BARBAROUS A PRACTICE': CORNISH WRECKING, ca. 1700-1860, AND ITS SURVIVAL AS POPULAR MYTH CATHRYN JEAN PEARCE 6? Twesas A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the University of Greenwich for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy March 2007 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I wish to acknowledge all of the extraordinary people who helped to make this thesis possible. My involvement in this voyage towards my doctorate has given me opportunities I could not have imagined, and I have met many people for whom I feel immense affection. Because of them, I have been able to 'sail in smooth waters'. With much fondness, to Joan Ryan, a fellow Ph.D. student at the Greenwich Maritime Institute, and retired Humanities lecturer at the University of Greenwich, who has given so much of herself that she is a true friend in every meaning of the word. To her husband Mick Ryan, Professor of Penal Politics, also at Greenwich, with whom I enjoyed many long conversations about crime and wrecking; to Professor Roger Knight, former Deputy-Director of the National Maritime Museum and now Professor of Naval History, GMI, who introduced me to Capt. George Hogg and all those who were initiating the new National Maritime Museum Cornwall; to all of my fellow students at the GMI, with whom I have created an international 'family'; to my supervisor Dr John Dunne for his encouragement; and especially to my main supervisor Professor Sarah Palmer, Director of the GMI, whose continued enthusiasm and support meant more than I can ever say. She never wavered in her belief in me, for which I am eternally grateful. She is the best mentor I could ever hope to find. To the wonderful and generous people who shared their research, ideas, and even their homes with me: Dr Helen Doe, University of Exeter, a fellow Cornish maritime historian; Michael Williams, Senior Lecturer in Law at the University of Wolverhampton, and his wife Julie; Capt. George Hogg and his wife Rosemary, who invited me down to Padstow and introduced me to Nick Darke, a nationally acclaimed playwright and self-avowed Cornish 'wrecker', and his wife Jane. And to Tony Pawlyn, the National Maritime Museum Cornwall, who graciously sent me the rough draft on his book on wrecking; Dr David Hopkin, Lecturer in Modern History, Hertford College, University of Oxford, for his expertise in the use of folklore in social history; Professor Glyndwr Williams, Queen Mary, University of in London (Emeritus) for his encouragement and discussions of history closer to home in Pacific waters; Professor John Williams, Professor of Literary Studies, University of Greenwich, for help on literary references and symbolism; Dr Jane Sampson, Associate Professor History and Classics, University of Alberta; and all the participants at the International Commission of Maritime History seminars at King's College, University of London, including Keith Langridge, who sent me so many good wrecking references. And last, but not least, special thanks to Dr Alan Boraas, Professor of Anthropology at Kenai Peninsula College, University of Alaska Anchorage, who led me to the theories of Pierre Bourdieu. Our many conversations have been valuable to this study. There are many more individuals not named who were also important to the success of this project. Finally, no research project can be successful without the knowledge and support of the staff at the various archival repositories. Sincere appreciation goes to Alison Campbell and Ann Brown at the Cornwall Record Office; Angela Broom at the Courtney Library, Royal Institution of Cornwall; Liza Verity and Helen Pethers at the National Maritime Museum; and Kim Cooper, who even stayed late at work for me at the Cornish Studies Library, Redruth. Thanks to you all. I dedicate this thesis to my family. It is especially dedicated to my father, Bert Pearce, my 'unassuming hero', without whom I never would have had the courage or the funds to seek my doctorate so far away from Alaska. Sadly, he died suddenly just as I was beginning what had been a childhood dream, and I had to learn to carry on without his sage words and encouragement. He gave me his love of history, and supported me in my passion for maritime history even though he preferred lakes and streams to salt water. I miss him more than mere words can convey, but I know he is proud of me. Dad, here's the book that you wanted me to write. There will be more to follow, I promise. IV ABSTRACT The popular myth of Cornish wrecking is well-known within British culture, but there has not been a comprehensive, systematic inquiry to separate out the layers of the myth from the actual practices. This study rectifies this omission by examining wrecking activity as reported in popular sources and traditional tales; deconstructing the most widely believed elements; illuminating the complexity of the practices; and investigating the process of myth-making which sustained the image of the wrecker in popular consciousness. It suggests that violent wrecking was not nearly as widespread and invidious as popular histories allow. The coastal populace had their own popular morality, including the use of mediation and constraint, which allowed them to practise wrecking, salvage, and lifesaving activities simultaneously. They did not condone all forms of wrecking; thus it cannot be deemed a 'social crime'. Wreckers did not escape conviction because of local resistance to centralised authority, but as a result of the complex legal practices of discretion that were incorporated into the eighteenth century English criminal justice system. The role of the lord of the manor was also more complex; their relationship with the coastal populace was based on reciprocity as well as antagonism. However, the tightening of governmental control and increasing bureaucratisation in the Victorian period resulted in the loss of customary wreck rights for both the coastal inhabitants and the local elites. At the same time, the press and pulpit were the primary conduits for establishing and popularising the wrecker stereotype through symbolic violence and moral panics. The stereotype became reflexive, touted as an accurate description in Victorian histories, and thus burying the reality of wrecking under accretions of moralising discourse. Therefore, the process of historical 'beach combing' across the disciplinary boundaries has revealed wrecking as a multi-faceted, sophisticated cultural practice and cultural construct. TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements................................................................................................ iii Abstract................................................................................................................... v List of Figures ........................................................................................................ ix List of Tables ........................................................................................................ ix Abbreviations ......................................................................................................... x Introduction ......................................................................................................... 1 Objectives and Structure ............................................4 Sources....................................................................... 8 Literature.................................................................. 11 Ch. 1: Cornwall, the Dangers of Shipwreck, and Maritime Trade...................... 26 Geography................................................................26 The Dangers of Shipwreck.......................................29 Cornwall's Maritime Trade...................................... 36 Cornwall and British Trade Policy........................... 50 Ch. 2: Wreck Law in Medieval and Early Modern England .............................. 54 The Rights to Wreck of the Sea in Common Law... 55 Development of Statutory Wreck Law .................... 57 Disputes over Wreccum marts ................................. 63 Ch. 3: Merchants, Legislators, and the Criminalisation of Wrecking................. 72 The Passage of 12 Anne, st. 2. c. 18 ........................ 73 The Passage of 26 George II, c. 19 .......................... 79 Nineteenth Century Wreck Law............................... 87 Ch. 4: Cornwall and the Communal Practice of Wrecking ................................. 97 Wrecker Identity ...................................................... 99 Focal Points of Wrecker Justification.................... 105 Providence.............................................................. 106 Wrecking and Cultural Capital................... 108 Wrecking and Economic Capital............... 110 Providence and Harvest............................. 112 Moral Entitlement.................................................. 114 Wrecking and Plunder Activity.................. 119 Social Constraints on Wrecking Behaviour........... 121 VI Ch. 5: Deterrence, Discretion, and the Law against Wrecking.......................... 133 The Use of the Military.......................................... 136 Preventive Services: The Water Guard and the Coast Guard................................................ 142 Prosecution, Conviction and Discretionary Justice 144 Financial Discretion................................... 146 Discretionary Rewards............................... 149 Prosecutorial Discretion............................. 151 Discretion and