"Shall I Die of Thirst?" The Location of Biblical Lehi, En-hakkore, and Ramath-lehi Chris McKinny, Texas A&M University-Corpus Christi Abstract Several unique toponyms (Lehi, Gob, Ephes-dammim, etc.) are mentioned in the books of Judges and Samuel in connection with the Israelite-Philistine conflicts. Among these, Lehi and its variants are associated with the biblical characters of Samson and Shammah (the son of Agee), but the exact location of Lehi has not been determined. This paper examines the available evidence relating to Lehi, and offers the tentative identification of ʿAin Hanniyeh as the location of En-hakkore and Ramath-lehi within the larger region of Lehi. Introduction is mentioned in two contexts in the Bible. First, it is the location ( לֶ חִ י Lehi (leḥı̂ where Samson killed 1,000 Philistines with the jawbone of a donkey (Judg 15:9–19). Second, it is referenced in the exploits of Shammah, the son of Agee the Hararite, one of David's "mighty three" (2 Sam 23:8–11). In each context, the Philistines are depicted as attacking a particular Judahite region or town (i.e., Lehi) that was successfully defended by Judah thanks to the actions of a "champion" (Samson or Shammah). Despite earlier proposals, no suggested identification for Lehi has received widespread support (e.g., van de Velde 1858: 342–43; Guérin 1869: 3.317–20, 3.355–56, 3.396–400; Conder 1878: 1.277; Smith 1894: 222; Buhl 1896: 90–91; Simons 1959: 301; Lubetski 1992b: 4.274–75; Rainey and Notley 2006: 141; see also Chadwick 2009). There are several geographical clues in the surrounding context of the two passages that help point to a specific location. This paper will examine the available evidence, including the biblical passages, archaeology, and scholarship regarding the biblical toponym, and suggest an identification for the location of Lehi. Archaeology and Text, Vol. 2 (2018) | pp. 53–72 ISSN 2523-2355 (print) | ISSN 2521-8034 (online) | DOI 10.21461/AT012018.53–72 54 Chris McKinny Methodology Before detailing my proposal for the location of Lehi, En-hakkore, and Ramath- lehi, a word on methodology is in order. The general principles associated with the historical geography of the land of the Bible have been well established and widely discussed in the modern era by such scholars as Aharoni (e.g., 1979: 105–32), Rainey (e.g., 1982; 1984; 2006: 14–21 with earlier literature), Zadok (e.g., 1995, 1996, 2009), and Elitzur (e.g., 1994, 2004, 2012). Broadly speaking, the field of historical geography incorporates many different disciplines, including textual criticism, biblical interpretation, archaeology, geography, history (including the history of reception), and historical toponymy. As will be demonstrated below, each of these elements plays a role in arriving at a suggestion for the location of biblical Lehi. With regard to this specific discussion, the history of reception and historical toponymy play a critical part in reconstructing the existing data relating to Lehi. Lehi in the Samson Narrative In Judges, Samson flees to "the cleft of the rock of Etam"1 from Philistine Timnah (Tell el-Baṭâshī; see discussion in Mazar and Kelm 1993) in the Sorek Valley after setting fire to Philistine fields and olive orchards and taking revenge on the murderers of his wife and father-in-law (Judg 15:1–8). While it is possible that another Etam is intended in Judg 15:8 (see discussion in Kotter 1992), the Etam2 of Josh 15:59A (LXX) would seem to fit the context of the passage,3 which essentially describes an Israelite from the Shephelah (Samson) fleeing to the eastern hills (Judah) from his Shephelah neighbors/enemies (Philistines). Besides being described as being in the Tekoa district (Josh 15:59A; cf. Eusebius is also on the list of Rehoboam's fortifications ( עֵ י טָ ם ;Onom 96.3), Etam (Αιταμ (2 Chr 11:6) and appears as a person's name in the Chronicler's genealogy of Judah (1 Chr 4:3) alongside the nearby towns of Gedor, Hushah, Tekoa, and Bethlehem. The .*in Gass and Zissu 2009: 25*–26 סְעִיף סֶלַע עֵיטָ ם See discussion of the etymology of 1 2 In the past, Etam of 1 Chr 4:33 was identified with Tell ʿAitun (Tel ʿEton) (Conder and Kitchener 1883: 261); however, recent scholarship in accordance with excavations at the site seems to point to an identification with biblical Eglon (Faust 2011). If Simeonite Etam is distinct from Ether (Khirbet ʿAtr), which occurs in place of Etam in the other version of the Simeonite list (Josh 19:7) and also in the Libnah district (Josh 15:42), then it must be different from the site of the same name near Bethlehem (Josh 15:59A; 2 Chr 11:6). If it is distinct from Ether, this Etam is also probably distinct from the "rock of Etam" in the Samson narratives (Judg 15:8). 3 Robinson was the first to suggest that the rocky terrain of Wādi Urṭās fits the description of the "cleft of the rock of Etam" (Robinson and Smith 1841: 477; cf. Na'aman 2012a: 438). "Shall I Die of Thirst?" 55 ancient name of Etam is preserved in ʿAin ʿAtân (Conder and Kitchener 1883: 23; Aharoni 1979: 355), which sits at the base of Khirbet el-Khôkh and marks the location of biblical Etam.4 In light of these details, it seems that the Judahite Etam is probably the Etam of Judg 15:8 (Ehrlich 1992: 2.644; contra Kotter 1992: 2.643–44; e.g., Webb 2012: 380).5 If this analysis is accepted, then it would mean that Clermont-Ganneau's proposed identification of the "rock of Etam" with ʿAraq Ismaʿin is incorrect (Clermont-Ganneau 1896: 220; Burney 1903: 371; cf. Lubetski 1992b: 275; cf. Gass and Zissu 2009: 32*; see also Na'aman 2012a: 438 with extensive bibliography).6 Gass and Zissu have argued that the Byzantine monastery at ʿAraq Ismaʿin could be the Sampso monastery mentioned in Byzantine sources, which is often identified with the large Byzantine structures at Tell er-Rumele/Beth-shemesh (see also Gass 2005: 377–79; cf. Gass and Zissu 2005; 2009: 34*–41*). While the identification of ʿAraq Ismaʿin with the Sampso monastery (i.e., the location of the events of Judges 15 according to the Byzantine tradition) seems to be a very reasonable proposal, it does not necessarily follow that this is also the location of the biblical events.7 In my opinion, the context of Judges 15, together with the similar geography included in 2 Sam 23:9–17 (mentioning Lehi, the Valley of Rephaim, and Bethlehem in the same context; see discussion below), points to a Judahite hill country site for the Etam of Judg 15:8 (see Na'aman 2012a: 438–39 for a similar rationale). 4 The ruin is located just south of ʿArtâs, the southernmost neighborhood of Bethlehem (near Deheisha Refugee Camp). The abundant springs and high elevation (approximately 800 m above sea level) made this area an ideal location for water reservoirs during the Hasmonean and Roman periods. The springs were channeled into Solomon's Pools and then brought by aqueduct to various locales in and around Jerusalem. Surveys at Khirbet el-Khôkh have revealed continuous occupation from the Iron I to the Roman period, including remains from the Iron I (6000 m2), early Iron IIA (5000 m2), late Iron IIA (10,000 m2), Iron IIB (9000 m2), and Iron IIC (8000 m2). The surveyors also noted the presence of fortifications around the summit of the tell (Kochavi 1972: Site 35; Ofer 1993: Site 323; Greenberg and Keinan 2009: Site 4206). 5 Van de Velde's identification of Ramath-lehi (which he suggested later became Ramah of the Negeb; cf. Josh 19:8; 1 Sam 30:27) with Khirbet el-Leqîyeh (1858: 342–43) is unlikely because it does not seem to match the geographical description of the accounts, which seem to call for a more northern setting. 6 Burney proposed that the term "jawbone" related to the "sawlike teeth appearance" of Wādi Ismaʿin (i.e., the Sorek Valley) and connected the large cave of ʿAraq Ismaʿin to "the hollow" .(at Lehi in Judg 15:19 (e.g., Burney 1903: 371; Ehrlich 1992: 644 ( הַ מַּ כְ תֵּ שׁ) 7 For example, see the discussion below of another Byzantine tradition for Lehi recorded by Jerome, which places the events near Bet Guvrin. 56 Chris McKinny Returning to the narrative of Judg 15:8–14, while this section can be interpreted in various ways, in my opinion the following sequence would seem to make logical sense of the narrative: First, Samson fled to the "rock of Etam" (near Khirbet el-Khôkh) after his actions against the Philistines near Timnah (Judg 15:8). Second, the Philistines responded with a raid "in Judah" and "in Lehi" (Judg 15:9) and demanded that the Judahites hand Samson over to them bound (Judg 15:10). Third, the Judahites "went down" to Etam to bind Samson (Judg 15:11). Fourth, after receiving instruction from Samson on the manner of his transfer to the Philistines (Judg 15:12–13), the Judahites bound Samson with "two new ropes" at Etam, and then brought him to Lehi, where the Philistines were waiting for him (Judg 15:13–14). Fifth, following Samson's famous slaughter of the Philistines with a donkey's "After Yahweh "split open 8.( רָ מַ ת לֶ חִ י) "jawbone, Samson called the site "Ramath-lehi the place was renamed En-hakkore ",( לֶ חִ י) a rock thereby creating a spring at "Lehi Judg 15:17–19).9 Besides offering the biblical etymology for the names) (עֵ ין הַקֹּורֵא) Lehi and Ramath-lehi, this text indicates that Lehi was near a noteworthy perennial spring, which, presumably, the readers of Judges would have readily recognized from its description in the narrative.