HISTORY MATTERS An Undergraduate Journal of Historical Research Volume 17 May 2020 Appalachian State University The Legacy of Carolingian Writing in the Later Middle Ages: A Study of Codex 974 at the Österreichische Nationalbibliothek Bill Weis Wayne State University Introduction In 1137, Lothair III died without male issue, the first and last Holy Roman Emperor from the Supplinburg dynasty, throwing the empire into disarray. His son Duke Henry “the Lion” of Saxony was passed up in favor of the Hohenstaufen Conrad, who was made King of Germany. Henry disputed this, leading to a protracted struggle for the throne between the two most powerful families of magnates, the Welfs and the Hohenstaufens (sometimes called the Guelph and Ghibelline conflict), each of which would produce several kings and emperors. Ultimately, King Conrad III Hohenstaufen assumed the mantle of head of state, though never emperorship, from 1138-1152. The reign of his son Frederick Barbarossa as a compromise candidate from 1155-1190 would provide a long period of relative stability during the conflict, although his conquest of Italy in the 1150s-70s would draw that region into the struggle as well. This vignette provides the background for the manuscript I chose to study, codex 974, which dates from the midst of this succession crisis in the middle or later part of the 12th century. The Österreichische Nationalbibliothek (ÖNB) itself has tentatively dated the document to either 6 1134 or 1147 and ascribed it to the monastery of Heiligenkreuz, which was well-connected to the ruling Hohenstaufen family. This connection shaped the creation of this florilegium manuscript, which featured two Fürstenspiegel or “mirrors for princes” by Carolingian authors. The focus of this essay will be on the way in which later medieval people reinterpreted these works for political ends. To them, great Carolingian rulers served a didactic purpose as a model for later lords to uphold and as examples of good rulership. Moreover, conflating a monarch’s reign and the “golden age” of Charlemagne was a bold political statement during a time of political crisis, such as when this manuscript was made.1 But florilegia were not purely political, as Rosamund McKitterick’s work notes: The manuscript transmission of these florilegia . indicate that these treatises came to be regarded as being addressed generally to the laity and being of use to them in cultivating Christian discipline. These texts inculcate a consciousness of sin: they propose both a public and a private morality, and offer guidance to a man seeking to satisfy the moral, devotional and emotional demands made of him by acceptance of the Christian faith . it sometimes occurs with the accompaniment of prayers, a litany or with saints’ lives and treatises on the Catholic faith.2 Therefore, while I intend to focus on the two Fürstenspiegel and their political implications, it is important to remember that these ideas of proper kingship were part of a larger statement by the Heiligenkreuz monks about the proper ordering of the world. The contents of the manuscript are as follows: Codex 974: Table of Contents Folio Document Extra Comments 1 Recto and Verso Paulinus of Aquileia: Liber • Text begun but Exhortationis de Salutaribus abandoned and Documentis resumed after Hincmar’s work 1v-59r Hincmar of Reims: De Cavendis Vitiis et Virtutibus 1 Rosamund McKitterick, “The Carolingians and the Written Word,” pp. 266-70; Rosamund McKitterick History and Memory in the Carolingian World (Cambridge University Press, 2004). 2 McKitterick, “The Carolingians and the Written Word,” pp. 266-70. 7 Exercendis ad Carolum Regem 6v-8v Gregory the Great: Gregorius • Quoted in Hincmar of Reccaredo Regi Reims’ text Wisigothorum 56r-81r Paulinus of Aquileia: Liber • Copied in full here, Exhortationis de Salutaribus the earlier portion was Documentis ignored 81v Various Prayers • Copy of various prayers, anonymous 82r-140r Peter the Lombard: Various Sermons 140r-144v Meditatio Passionis Domini • Anonymous work 145r-147v Honorius Augustodunensis: • One of Honorius’ Speculum Ecclesiae, sermons Dominica in Media Quadragesima 147v-150v Sermo ad Vincula Sancti • Anonymous sermon Petri Back Cover Abschrift einer Totenrotel • Fragment, mostly illegible Back Cover Pseudo-Augustine: Dialogus • Fragment, mostly Quaestionem LXV Orosii illegible Percontantis et Augustini respondentis As stated, the codex originated in the abbey of Heiligenkreuz under the abbacy of Gottschalk, roughly 10 miles outside of modern-day Vienna. The monastery that created this manuscript was politically well-connected to the ruling dynasty during a time of political turmoil and, as such, the manuscript seems to have been intended for an important aristocratic or even imperial audience and aimed at legitimizing Hohenstaufen and Babenberg rule. However, while we can confirm that Heiligenkreuz was an important monastery, in that it seems to have received important visitors on occasion, its first Abbot Gottschalk witnessed multiple contemporary charters, and there were rumors that Conrad III attended funerals for his family members there, we cannot definitively state that this manuscript was read by one of the Babenbergs or 8 Hohenstaufens.3 Nevertheless, we can be certain that the brothers of Heiligenkreuz were interested in continuing Carolingian models of rulership, and we can likely, though not definitively, infer that their patrons were as well. Heiligenkreuz was itself founded in 1133 by St. Leopold III Babenberg, Count of Austria, at the behest of his son Otto of Freising, who became enamored with Cistercian teachings during his studies in Paris’ university.4 The abbey appeared to have been well-connected and enjoyed a fair degree of ducal patronage from the Babenberger family, even receiving a piece of the True Cross from the family in 1187 from which the abbey derived its name “Heiligen kruez,” or “Holy Cross”. Otto was an illustrious high medieval historian and Bishop of Freising sometime after 1136, with the abbey falling under his jurisdiction. Further, Otto was well-connected himself: not only was he the son of Leopold III, but his mother was the daughter of the Salian Emperor Henry IV and was moreover the matrilineal cousin of the King Conrad Hohenstaufen of Germany and thus uncle of Emperor Frederick Barbarossa. The monastery’s history from its founding through to the thirteenth century is one of almost continuous patronage from local and imperial magnates, and it was within this climate that the manuscript in question was produced. From the abbey’s founding in 1136 until 1163, there were a total of five grants to the monastery: the first was the founding document sponsored by the Babenbergers (1136); three were gifts to the monastery from the prominent noblemen Heinrich Welf of Bavaria, Bishop Conrad of Passau, and Abbot Sighard of Melk (1136, 1150, and 1163); and one was when Pope Innocent II took the 3 J.F. Böhmer, Regesta Imperii IV: Lothar III. und ältere Staufer 1125-1197 (Vienna, Cologne, and Weimar, 2008), http://www.regesta-imperii.de/unternehmen/publikationen.html. pp. 93. 4 Johann Nepomuk Weis, “Stiftungsurkunde: Urkunden des Cistercienser-Stiftes Heiligenkreuz im Wiener Walde,” in Fontes Rerum Austriacarum: Oesterreichische Geschichts-Quellen, Diplomataria et Acta. (Graz: Akademische Druck- u. Verlagsanstalt, 1970). 1-2; Koll, Malachias. Das Stift Heiligenkreuz in Österreich. Vienna, 1834; Watzl, P. Florian. Die Cistercienser von Heiligenkreuz: in chronologischer Reihenfloge nach den Quellen Dargestellt. Styria Publishing, 1898. 9 monastery under his special protection. The record of patronage increased rapidly after this and there remained a steady flow of income, either in the form of additional rights, lands, confirmation thereof, or a remission of taxes or tolls: three gifts were given during the 1170s; eight during the 1180s; and at least three but perhaps as high as six during the 1190s, though this depends on dating.5 An overview of Heiligenkreuz’s scriptorium during the 12th century helps to place this manuscript in its proper context. The abbey’s holdings focus almost exclusively on texts that help to reveal the mysteries of the faith and the meaning behind the scripture. As such, the vast majority of manuscripts recorded works by the church fathers and other important theologians, such as St. Augustine’s City of God or St. Jerome’s epistles, Bede’s commentaries on the Psalter, and even some contemporary works, such as Peter the Lombard’s famous Book of Thoughts or Hugh of St. Victor’s On the Sacraments.6 While the thrust of the collection seems to be aimed at clerics and professional theologians, our manuscript as a florilegium, seems more so to be aimed at guiding a lay audience through the scriptural exhortation. Hincmar of Reims’ De Cavendis Vitiis et Virtutibus Exercendis ad Carolum Regem and Gregory’s Reccardo Regi Wisigothorum In this section I will attempt to show how Hincmar’s work was used by the Heiligenkreuz monks as a Fürstenspiegel, to reflect on their own times by looking back at the past. 7 The De Cavendis Vitiis, seemingly written towards the end of Charles the Bald’s reign (840-877), was a 5 Johann Nepomuk Weis, “Urkunden des Cistercienser-Stiftes Heiligenkreuz im Wiener Walde,” in Fontes Rerum Austriacarum: Oesterreichische Geschichts-Quellen, Diplomataria et Acta. (Graz: Akademische Druck- u. Verlagsanstalt, 1970). It should be noted that the Welf family’s donations appear to have been exclusively before the Welf/Hohenstaufen conflict began. 6 Benedict Gsell, Verzeichniss der Handschriften in der Bibliothek des Stiftes Heiligenkreuz, Vienna, 1891. 7 Rachel Stone Hincmar of Reims: Life and Work (Manchester University Press 2015) 19; Janet Nelson Charles the Bald (Longman House 1992) pp. 145-50, 241 10 moralizing work addressed to the king himself as a letter. Hincmar’s objective was to discuss what it meant to be a devout Christian, what a life of sin does to one’s soul and body, and how Charles could apply this in practice in his own personal and public life.