Andean Past Volume 7 Article 13 2005 Early Inca Expansion and the Incorporation of Ethnic Groups: Ethnohistory and Archaeological Reconiassance in the Region of Acos, Department of Cusco, Peru Dean E. Arnold Weaton College (Wheaton, Illinois), [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/andean_past Recommended Citation Arnold, Dean E. (2005) "Early Inca Expansion and the Incorporation of Ethnic Groups: Ethnohistory and Archaeological Reconiassance in the Region of Acos, Department of Cusco, Peru," Andean Past: Vol. 7 , Article 13. Available at: https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/andean_past/vol7/iss1/13 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@UMaine. It has been accepted for inclusion in Andean Past by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UMaine. For more information, please contact [email protected]. EARLY INCA EXPANSION AND THE INCORPORATION OF LOCAL ETHNIC GROUPS: ETHNOHISTORY AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL RECONNAISSANCE IN THE REGION OF ACOS, DEPARTMENT OF CUSCO, PERU DEAN E. ARNOLD Wheaton College (Wheaton, Illinois) INTRODUCTION pretation also explains emerging polities else- where during the Late Intermediate Period. For Until relatively recently, many Inca scholars support, they point to the widespread occur- have accepted the chronicles’ account that rence of hilltop or defensive sites during that imperial expansion outside the Inca heartland time (e.g., in the Ayacucho2 region (Lumbreras was stimulated by, and subsequent to, the attack 1959a, 1959b, 1974), in the Jauja Valley on Cusco by the Chancas, a rival ethnic group (D’Altroy 1992:55-62), and elsewhere).3 In centered around Andahuaylas (summarized in summaries of the literature on early Inca state Bauer 1992, e.g., Niles 1987:6-7; Rostworowski development and expansion, however, Bauer 1999; Rowe 1946). One gnawing question (1992) and Julien (1993) have shown that the about this scenario concerns the development of Incas used several means of incorporating local the nascent Inca state: How were local groups groups and did not necessarily engage in warfare incorporated as Tawantinsuyu expanded? More to bring them into the Inca realm (see also importantly, did the reputed Inca genius for Rostworowski 1999). organization and conquest emerge suddenly with Pachacuti’s ascent to power during the One significant feature of Inca imperial Chanca attack? Or, is there an unwritten expansion was the replacement of newly con- scenario of state development during which the quered people with pacified and trusted groups Incas created many of their institutions that (called mitmaqkuna in Quechua or mitimaes in they implemented during their imperialistic Spanish: Bauer 1992; Cieza de León 1967 expansion? Fueled by an increasing skepticism [1553]: Chapter 22, pp. 189-193; Cobo 1979 which posits that the chronicles provide a [1653]: Chapter 23; Rowe 1946:269-270; western, event-based history (e.g., Bauer 1990, Rostworowski 1999:172-174).4 At least some of 1992; Conrad and Demarest 1984, Zuidema these groups, including the Acos people, were 1964), Inca scholars thus have begun to rethink “Incas by Privilege” (Incas de Privilegio) that is, the relationship of the ethnohistoric documents nobility created by Pachacuti to expand the and archaeology for reconstructing Inca history administration of the empire beyond a small and society (e.g., Bauer 1990, 1992, 1996, 1999; Conrad and Demarest 1984; Grosboll 1993; Julien 1993; Malpass 1993a, 1993b). 2 In the Ayacucho Valley, for example, a very large site, probably dating to the Late Intermediate Period, is on the The assumed importance of the Chanca top of the highest mountain (Quehuahuilca) along the attack has fit well with the belief that the early western edge of the valley. It is almost directly across from Inca state emerged through internecine Huari (see Arnold 1975, 1993:17). warfare.1 Some scholars believe that this inter- 3 The large hilltop site of Ancasmarca, in a valley adjacent to the Urubamba Valley east of the town of Calca, proba- bly dates to this period. 1 This explanation of state development is essentially that 4 Even though these population movements took place of Carneiro’s circumscription hypothesis (1970). Carneiro well before the Spanish Conquest, many of the relocated posited that increased competition and warfare occurred groups maintained relationships with their area of origin among neighboring groups as population growth devel- until the end of the sixteenth century. The continuation oped within agricultural land that could not be expanded of these relationships and their mention in the historical because of natural barriers. Eventually, the most powerful documents enable scholars to discover the region of origin political entity emerged, subjugating all others. of many mitmaq groups (e.g., Bauer 1992; Zuidema 1966). ANDEAN PAST 7 (2005): 219-249. ANDEAN PAST 7 (2005) - 220 group of hereditary rulers (Guaman Poma used conquest to incorporate that region into 1987[c. 1615]:84-85, 339, 349, 754; Rowe their developing state. Do the archaeological 1946:260-261). Incas by Privilege held impor- sites around nearby Acos follow a similar pat- tant low level positions within the infrastructure tern, or do they fit some other explanation of of the Inca Empire (Guaman Poma op cit.; Bauer incorporation, such as military conquest? 1990:166; 1992:18-35). They also included local ethnic groups who lived outside of the One clue to answering this question comes capital at Cusco, spoke Quechua (Bauer from Sarmiento de Gamboa, who originally 1990:33-50, 1992:24-26; Rowe 1946:261), and wrote his History of the Incas in the late six- paid tribute to the Inca (Bauer 1992:24, 27). teenth century (1572). Sarmiento described Pachacuti apparently saw them as useful in the how the people of Acos resisted the expansion- linguistic unification of the empire (Rowe ist intentions of the Inca and were integrated 1946:261). into the early Inca state: Any consideration of the role of local group There was another pueblo called Acos which is resettlement in imperial expansion, however, 10 or 11 leagues from Cusco. The cinches6 of revisits basic questions about how the Incas this pueblo were two — one called Ocacique developed the infrastructure to transport large and other called Otoquasi. They were openly groups of people (as many as 6,000-7,000 “fami- contrary to the views of the Inca and resisted him forcefully. For this reason, [Pachacuti] lies” according to Cobo [1979[1653]: Chapter Inca Yupanqui thus fought against them with 23, p. 189]) into newly conquered territories. great military strength. The great difficulty of How were such groups incorporated into the this conquest became obvious to the Inca be- Inca state to make this relocation possible? By cause those of Acos defended themselves with comparing ethnohistoric data about one of these a great deal of animosity and wounded Pacha- groups with an archaeological reconnaissance of cuti in the head with a stone. For this reason, the region of their origin, this paper suggests the Inca did not want to stop fighting them how the Incas may have incorporated one such until he had finally conquered them even group into their nascent state. though he had spent a great deal of time in battle. He killed almost all of the people of Acos, and those he pardoned and those who THE ACOS INDIANS survived that cruel massacre, he exiled to the edges of Huamanga where they are now called One of the mitmaq groups used by the Incas Acos (Sarmiento de Gamboa 1942 [1572]: was the Acos Indians. Guaman Poma de Ayala Chapter 35, p. 115; translation mine).7 stated that the Acos Indians were Incas by Privilege and that the maintenance of the bridges of the empire was under the administra- tion of "Acos Inga" (Guaman Poma 1987 [c. 6 “Headmen”. 1615]:358-359). He illustrated this point with 7 “Había otro pueblo llamado Acos, que está diez u once a drawing showing Acos Inga in front of the 5 leguas del Cuzco. Los cinches de este pueblo eran dos, bridge at Guambo (Guambochaca). llamados Ocacique el uno y el otro Otoguasi. Estos eran contrarios muy al descubierto de la opinión del inga y le Acos lies east of the Apurímac River adja- resistieron fortísimamente. Por lo cual Inga Yupangui fue con gran poder contra ellos. Mas el inga se vido en grande cent to the southern portion of Province of trabajo en esta conquista porque los de Acos se defiendían Paruro (Bauer 1990, 1992, 1999; Figure 1). In animosísimamente y hirieron a Pachacuti en la cabeza de an archaeological survey of that province, Bauer una pedrada. Por lo cual no quiso el inga alzar la mano de found no settlement changes from the Late la guerra, hasta que, habiendo mucho tiempo que los Intermediate Period to the Late Horizon and combatía, en fin los venció. Y mató casi a todos los naturales de Acos, y a los que perdonó y restaron de found no fortified hilltop sites of the Late Inter- aquella mortandad cruel, los desterró a los términos de mediate Period that indicated that the Incas Guamanga, adonde ahora llaman Acos” (Sarmiento de Gamboa 1942[1572]:Chapter 35, p. 115). Sarmiento (1942 [1572]: Chapter 34) gives another 5 Translated, the text incorporated into the drawing reads account of how Pachacuti received a blow to his head. He “Governor of the bridges of this kingdom” in Spanish and says that while Pachacuti was in Cuyos (the capital of the “[person] responsible for bridges, Acos Inca” in Quechua. province of Cuyosuyo), he was struck in the head with a This drawing is reproduced in Arnold (1993:43). stone (or as some say, with a pitcher) by a potter who was 221 - Arnold: Reconnaissance in Acos, Cusco region It is not clear what Pachacuti wanted from the an Acos influence on the development of Acos Indians.