10 The Development of Arandic Subsection Names in Time and Space Harold Koch Introduction This chapter builds on the findings of McConvell (1985, 1996) regarding the spread of subsection terms in north central Australia.1 It explores the timing and direction of the spread of section and subsection terms into the Arandic subgroup of languages in finer detail, and takes into consideration historical evidence from early sources such as Gillen’s correspondence (Mulvaney et al. 1997). The chapter pays particular attention to issues of phonological change within the Arandic languages (Koch 1997b) and principles of adaptation of loan words between these languages and Warlpiri, as outlined in Koch (1997a, 2014). New proposals include the replacement of terms during the course of history and the positing of some intermediate terms that are not directly attested. Attention is paid to the history of the documentation of the systems, as well as native traditions regarding their origins. 1 I am grateful to Patrick McConvell and two anonymous referees for helpful feedback. 317 SKIN, KIN AND CLAN Figure 45: Languages of Central Australia. Source: Author’s work . 318 10 . THE DEVELOPMENT OF ARANDIC SUBSECTION NAMES IN TIME AND Space Overview of Systems of the Arandic Peoples and Their Neighbours The Arandic languages all include a system of social category terms that are called, in the terminology introduced by Radcliffe-Brown (1918, 1930–31), sections and subsections—also popularly referred to as ‘skins’. The southernmost Arandic group, the Lower Arrernte, have a system of four sections, as shown in Table 41, in which the sections have been given letter codes according to Radcliffe-Brown’s practice, but are displayed in an arrangement that follows Spencer and Gillen (1927, p. 445; 1969a [1899], p. 72; cf. 1969b [1904], p. 90).2 The sections are arranged into patrimoieties (P and Q), such that a member of each patrimoiety marries a member of the opposite patrimoiety (marriage relations are indicated by the = sign), and a man’s child belongs to the same patrimoiety as (but a different section from) their father. The father–child relations are indicated by means of the vertical lines; thus, A’s child belongs to section D, and D’s child belongs to section A. Mother–child relations are not directly indicated in this display, but can be computed through the mother’s partner—thus, the child of a female Penangke (A) is traced through her Perrurle (B) partner and belongs to the Kemarre (C) section. AC and BD constitute matrimoieties, although these are not directly displayed. Further, A and B belong to one generation level and C and D to another. These generation levels include people related as siblings, spouses, grandparents and grandchildren; each generation level consists of members of sets of alternate generations. Table 41: Section system of the Lower Arrernte. P Q → A Penangke = Perrurle B ← | | → D Peltharre = Kemarre C ← Source: Spencer and Gillen (1927, p . 445) . The eight-term subsection system is illustrated in Table 42, with the skin terms of the Central and Eastern Arrernte (Henderson & Dobson 1994, p. 41). In a subsection system, each section is divided into two subsections (e.g. A1 and A2). There are four patricouples: A1 + D2, A2 + D1, B1 2 The spelling has been adapted to the system used for Central and Eastern Arrernte. 319 SKIN, KIN AND CLAN + C1 and B2 + C2. Patrimoieties and generational levels are the same as the four-section system. The eight-term subsection system makes an overt terminological distinction within a section between first and second cross-cousins. Thus, a person in thePenangke (A1) subsection will find their second cousin (e.g. a man’s mother’s mother’s brother’s daughter’s daughter) in the Perrurle (B1) subsection, but their first cross-cousin (e.g. a man’s mother’s brother’s daughter or father’s sister’s daughter) in the Angale (A2) subsection. The preferred marriage partner is a second cousin, although a classificatory (but not actual) first cousin may be a second- choice partner. Thus, a Penangke’s preferred wife is Perrurle, as shown by the = sign. In instances in which children result from a marriage other than the preferred one signalled in the table (e.g. in the case of a Penangke father and an Angale mother), the child may take the skin appropriate to the mother (i.e. Peltharre) or the father (i.e. Pengarte), or use both (e.g. Peltharre-Pengarte), perhaps according to the context. Table 42: Subsection system of the Central and Eastern Arrernte. Patrimoiety P Patrimoiety Q → A1 Penangke = Perrurle B1 ← | → A2 Kngwarreye = Angale B2 | ← | | | | | → D1 Peltharre = Kemarre C1 ← | → D2 Pengarte = Ampetyane C2 ← Source: Henderson and Dobson (1994, p . 43) . Moieties are not named; nevertheless, patrimoieties are recognised terminologically in two ways. First, non-singular pronouns in some dialects of Arrernte (as well as in Anmatyerre, Alyawarr and Kaytetye) are marked for differences of social category. Thus, in North-eastern Arrernte, ‘we two’ is ilanthe if its referents belong to different patrimoieties (e.g. ‘I and my spouse’ or ‘I and my mother’), ilake if the term refers to ‘me and my father’ or ‘me and my brother’s child’ and ilerne for ‘me and my brother or sister’ or ‘me and my father’s father’. The last two forms show that a further distinction is made between generation levels if the referents of the pronoun are within the same patrimoiety. The second linguistic reflex of the patrimoiety division is the fact that there are egocentric terms that distinguish ‘people in my patrimoiety’ from ‘people in the other patrimoiety’. The term for the former is ilakakeye, based on the first-person dual pronoun ilake, which means ‘I and my father’, or anwakerrakeye, based on the first-person plural pronoun, which means 320 10 . THE DEVELOPMENT OF ARANDIC SUBSECTION NAMES IN TIME AND Space ‘I and my father plus others (all members of the set belonging to different generational levels of the same patrimoiety)’. The term that designates ‘other patrimoiety’ is alakakeye (based on the third-person dual pronoun alake, which means ‘they two related as a person and their father’), or malyanweke, which may be etymologically akin to ‘our in-laws’ (anweke being the dative form of the historic first-person plural pronoun). Apart from these linguistic reflexes, the patrimoiety distinction plays a certain role in social behaviour: members of the two patrimoieties were observed by Spencer and Gillen to camp separately (see Spencer & Gillen 1927, p. 229, figure 69) and to play complementary roles in ceremonial rituals.3 Spencer and Gillen (1927, pp. 41–2) reported on several Indigenous theories concerning the nature of patrimoieties. The [Central and Northern]4 Arrernte refer to the members of the AD and BC moieties as mberga oknirra [akngerre] ‘big men’ and mberga tungwa ‘little men’ respectively, with mberga denoting the human body—that is large-bodied versus small-bodied. People of the AD moiety are further distinguished as having straight hair, while BC members are said to have wavy hair. Spencer and Gillen claimed there is no anatomical difference to support either of these distinctions; the results of an examination of hair samples by Dr O. W. Tiegs (Spencer’s University of Melbourne colleague) are described in Spencer and Gillen (1927, pp. 597–9 Appendix E: Hair Structure). They also mentioned Carl Strehlow’s statement that the [Western] Arrernte formerly used the terms kwatjarinja [kwatyarenye] ‘water-dwellers’ and alarinja [ahelharenye] ‘land-dwellers’ to designate the AD and BC moieties respectively. The two generational levels, similar to the patrimoieties, are not named, but there is a term nyurrpe that means ‘belonging to the opposite generational level’. Thus, for a person in the A or B sections, all members of the C and D sections are nyurrpe, and vice versa. The combinations A + B and C + D are sometimes referred to as generational moieties. Groups to the north of the Arandic groups, including the Warlpiri, Warlmanpa and Warumungu, have an eight-subsection system like that of the northern Arandic groups. However, there are two principal differences. Each subsection term in the non-Arandic languages distinguishes 3 ‘The existence of the two primary divisions is very evident during the performance of such ceremonies as the Engwura’ (Spencer & Gillen 1927, p. 41). 4 Modern spellings of Spencer and Gillen’s Arrernte terms are given in square parentheses where these are known. 321 SKIN, KIN AND CLAN the gender of its members. Terms for males begin with j (equivalent to the ty of Arandic orthographies), while terms for females begin with n. The Warlpiri terms are given in Table 43, using the same arrangement as Table 42.5 Table 43: Subsection system of the Warlpiri (adult terms only). A1 Japanangka Jupurrurla B1 Napanangka Napurrurla A2 Jungarrayi Jangala B2 Nungarrayi Nangala D1 Japaljarri Jakamarra C1 Napaljarri Nakamarra D2 Japangardi Jampijinpa C2 Napangardi Nampijinpa Source: Meggitt (1962, p . 165); Laughren (1982, p . 76) . A second characteristic of the northern systems is that they include separate junior terms, which also make a distinction of gender. Thus, there are four terms for each subsection: a pair of masculine and feminine adult terms and a pair of corresponding gendered junior terms. The north-western Arandic languages Anmatyerre and Kaytetye share the gendered junior terms of their western neighbours, but only have normal Arandic (with a few exceptions in Kaytetye) gender-neutral terms for their adult terms. The complete Kaytetye system is presented in Table 44, where each cell gives the adult name, the junior male name and the junior female name.6 Table 44: Subsection system of the Kaytetye (including junior terms).