1993 i CONTENTS Condensed layout Page numbers differ from those in the book. Acknowledgements (John Ferris) 1 Introduction: Realism and Fundamentalism in Green Politics (John Ferris) 2 PART ONE Chapter One: Green Rationality 16 Chapter Two: Between Identity and Modernity 43 Chapter Three: The Greens and the Decline of the Social Movements 58 PART TWO Chapter Four: Issue Piracy 67 Chapter Five. Alternative Technology 71 Chapter Six. Deer at the World Market 79 Chapter Seven: Ecological Consumption 90 Chapter Eight: Unheeded Problems and Enticing Utopias 100 Chapter Nine: The German Greens: Preparing for Another New Beginning 110 E.O.F. 130 ii Acknowledgements Most of these essays first appeared as articles in “alternative” journals and newspapers in Germany. In some of the more theoretical Chapters it has seemed appropriate to provide full notes and references, in others that were more journalistic this did not seem appropriate. Chapter 1 first published in Kommune, 2:4 (1984), pp. 31-46. Reprinted in G. Falkenberg and H. Kersting (eds.) Eingriffe im Diesseits, Essen: Klartext Verlag (1985). Chapter 2 first published in two parts in Kommune, 5:9 (1987), pp. 39-45, and 5:11 (1987), pp. 43-7. Chapter 3 “The Greens and the decline of the social movements”, Gewerkschaftlíche Monatshefte, 39:5, (1988), pp. 289-99. Chapter 4 first published in Links, 16:169 (Apr. 1984), pp. 8-9. Chapter 5 first published in Wechselwirkung, 6:22 (Aug. 1984), pp. 9-13. Chapter 6 first published in Kommune, 6:9, (1988), pp.43-8. Chapter 7 first published in E. Hildebrandte (ed.) Ökologischer Konsum. Schriftenreihe des In- stituts für ökologische Wirtschaftsforschung, No. 25/89, (Berlin: IÖW, 1990) pp. 21-32. Chapter 8 appeared in Frankfurter Rundschau (14/15, Nov. 1989). Chapter 9 was specially written for this volume. The versions of the articles published in the book were revised, and where appropriate extend- ed, for English-language readers. As editor I am indebted to the following people for their work and support. To Margaret Curran for her skilful and sensitive translation. To Helmut Wiesenthal for explaining at length the intricacies of green politics in Germany and his hospitality in Biele- feld and Bremen. For discussions about die Grünen and social movements with Claus Offe, Norbert Kostede and Johannes Berger, at the Universities of Bielefeld and Bremen. To Dick Geary for his advice on German language and political culture. To Richard Purslow, my editor at Manchester University Press for his encouragement and commitment. Financial support for the translation was made available by the University of Nottingham. I have attempted to the best of my editorial ability to ensure that the translated text is accessi- ble and “readable' in English. Inevitably something is lost in even the best translations and some of my interventions may have resulted in misinterpretations and inaccuracies. For any such errors I am responsible. My hope is that this book will contribute to the debates within the ecological movement about a strategy for change and therefore bring forward, however mod- estly, the transition to an ecologically responsible and socially just society. John Ferrís August 1992 1 INTRODUCTION POLITICAL REALISM AND GREEN STRATEGY JOHN FERRIS (I) Strategy and Ideology in Green Politics These essays by Helmut Wiesenthal reflect a realist perspective towards green politics and first appeared as contributions to the strategy debates among German greens in the 1980's, they now appear in English at a time when there is considerable uncertainty about the role and pur- pose of green political parties. The new social movements associated with the emergence of green parties seem to have declined in significance, though the ecological and social problems that gave rise to them in the seventies and eighties are no less pressing than they were. The Greens and new social movements called for a new type of politics and a new agenda. Ecocentric thinkers have provided a detailed critique of prevailing patterns of production and consumption and called for changes in lifestyle. They have also elaborated visions of a new 'post-industrial' order. Although many journalists and commentators tend to see ecological poli- tics as another kind of 'single issue' politics it is evident that the green agenda is more ambi- tious. These essays by Helmut Wiesenthal are premised on the assumption that the green agenda is more than a form of 'single issue' politics. At the same time the perspective he adopts is strategic rather than normative. The emphasis is on how, given present starting points, it might be possible to achieve democratic renewal and an ecologically responsible so- ciety. This book is structured in a way that, hopefully, will assist readers to make connections be- tween normative and strategic agenda's in contemporary green politics. It seems to me indis- putable that green politics needs a vision of what an ecologically sustainable society might look like. At the same time it is equally clear that greens need to address strategic questions if they wish to achieve such a society. It is evident that more attention has been given to the former than the latter. These essays focus on this deficit in green political thought. This introductory chapter seeks to provide a broad overview of green normative theory as well as an introduction to the context of Wiesenthal's approach to green strategy. The essays in Part I are theoretical and analytic in character and explore the structural preconditions for a feasible green strategy in the context of Germany in the 1980's. The essays in Part II draw on the analytic framework and address particular topics that were widely seen as relevant to the green agenda in Germa- ny during the 1980's (eg alternative technology, economic questions,ecological consumption, and social policy issues like flexible working time and basic income proposals.) The concluding chapter looks at green politics in Germany from the perspective of German re-unification after 1989. The experience of the German greens is important because they were able to achieve a degree of electoral success that has eluded greens elsewhere. They therefore had more power and influence than other green parties in Europe. Participation in local and regional government exposed the German greens (even as a minority party) to dilemma's that greens elsewhere were able to avoid. These dilemma's were essentially strategic decisions. Should political par- ties with different aims and policies be tolerated? Should greens be willing to participate in coa- litions with parties who do not share their ecological objectives? More concretely should greens be prepared to 'scale down' ecological demands in order to secure advances in other areas of policy? These and similar questions were faced in Germany during the 1980's and the experience is in my view relevant to greens seeking power elsewhere. 2 The merit of Wiesenthal's approach to these strategic questions is that he demonstrates the inherent complexity of a feasible political strategy in modern industrialised societies. His cri- tique of radical fundamentalism is based on his awareness of complexity and the simplistic and self-defeating nature of the strategies advocated by the radicals in die Grunen. This is a critique of means rather than norms. 'Willed social change', with all the risks this implies of unintended consequences, means that greens have necessarily to be specific and pragmatic in their reform proposals if they wish to be taken seriously by voters. Nevertheless he argues that there are more opportunities for ecological reforms than many radicals are prepared to accept, attached as they are to an ethic of ultimate ends. These essays were originally written by Wiesenthal as an active member of die Grunen not as a social scientist presenting research in scholarly journals. They represent a point of view in the fiercely argued strategy debate and were intended to serve a political purpose. Neverthe- less it is important to stress that the expertise that informs these arguments is that of a political sociologist acting as 'party intellectual' - they are more than personal opinion. Wiesenthal is a social scientist offering his expertise to die Grunen. For this reason Wiesenthal refrains from directly addressing the normative debates that are important in the field of green politics. His concern is not green ideology, except if and when it leads to what he would regard as self-defeating strategies. Indeed Wiesenthal views the main strategic problems facing greens as arising from contradictory demands for emotionally satisfying ideas and instrumental- ly appropriate knowledge rather than alternative ideas as such. The debates that took place in West Germany within die Grunen led some American and Eng- lish authors coming from very different intellectual and political traditions to view the German greens as overly contentious and still committed to some version of 'old left' politics that greens elsewhere had transcended.(1) It is widely acknowledged by German social scientists that West Germany represented something of a special case in European political development that is related to the post-war political constitution and the specific circumstances that led to the formation and composition of die Grunen in the late 1970's.(2) While this 'peculiarity of the Germans' position has some validity I would argue that the strategic problems that faced die Grunen and ecological movements in Germany in the eighties have more general relevance to ecological politics. They are inherent in a political position that advances a broad programme of social change, as greens certainly do. Apart from the issues mentioned above I also think it is worth drawing attention to the very dif- ferent social scientific traditions that prevail in Germany and the English speaking world. This seems very evident when we consider the normative debates in green political theory in the English language literature and the critical social scientific approaches that prevail in Germany.