The Making and Unmaking of the East Asian Miracle*

The Making and Unmaking of the East Asian Miracle*

MARK T. BERGER Bringing History Back In: The Making and Unmaking of the East Asian Miracle* he East Asian crisis, which began in Thailand in further into question many of the lessons which TJuly 1997, has precipitated important changes in proponents of neo-liberalism have drawn from the contours of the post-Cold War international East Asia over the years. It has also raised questions political economy. During the 1970s and 1980s about the descriptions and prescriptions provided Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and by advocates of the developmental state, whose Singapore, followed by Thailand, Malaysia and formulations are characterised by many of the Indonesia, were increasingly celebrated as miracles problems associated with neo-liberalism. At the of capitalist development. In this period the domi- outset, this article will look at the way the domi- nant interpretations of the making of the East nant neo-liberal approaches to capitalist develop- Asian Miracle were linked to the rise and spread of ment, and the state-centred perspectives which neo-liberalism as a growing number of commen- have emerged as their main challengers, have tators used the dynamic new Asian capitalisms increasingly extracted technocratic and ahistorical to support their case for laissez-faire economic lessons from the East Asian development experi- policies. By the time the Cold War came to an ence. This leads to an emphasis on the impor- end, Japan, and the other miracle economies of tance of a more historically grounded approach Northeast and Southeast Asia, were also widely to capitalist development in East Asia and beyond. perceived as a challenge to the »West« generally, Of particular importance is the way in which the and to the United States more specifically. 1 How- history of the Cold War provided the crucial foun- ever, despite expectations in some quarters that dation for the emergence of various, far from uni- the end of the Cold War might signal the decline form, but usually authoritarian, developmental of the U.S. role in Asia, the United States remained states at the same time as U.S. hegemony imposed the hegemonic power in the region and revised a range of important limits on all states in the forms of neo-liberalism continued to provide the region. It will be argued that the likelihood of a most influential understanding of the East Asian significant and/or unified regional response to the Miracle, and of capitalist development generally. In fact, since the second half of 1997 there has been * Support for the research and writing of this article was a reassertion of U.S. hegemony in East Asia, via the provided by the Asia Research Centre at Murdoch Uni- International Monetary Fund (IMF) in particular. versity, Perth, Western Australia, and a Special Research The IMF, and advocates of neo-liberalism generally, Grant, as well as a Small Australian Research Council blame the crisis on the state-centred elements of Grant, from the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences at the University of New South Wales, Sydney, Australia. I the East Asian model (»crony capitalism«) and would also like to thank Anthony Aspden, Jasper Goss, continue to hold out liberalization and deregula- Andrew Rosser and Catherine Waldby for assistance tion as the key to economic progress in East Asia and/or comments. and world-wide. 2 More broadly, it is clear that the 1. Mark T. Berger, »The Triumph of the East? The East Asian Miracle and Post-Cold War Capitalism« in Mark T. United States is attempting to administer the last Berger and Douglas A. Borer, eds., The Rise of East Asia: rites to Japanese-style developmentalism, and its Critical Visions of the Pacific Century [London: Rout- imitators, sending a message about what form(s) ledge, 1997]. of economic development are deemed to be accep- 2. Charles Wolf, »Blame Government for the Asian Melt- table in the post-Cold War era. 3 down« Asian Wall Street Journal February 5 1998. p 14. 3. Bruce Cumings, »The Korean Crisis and the End of Despite the continued dominance of neo- ›Late‹ Development« New Left Review no. 231. 1998. pp. liberal ideas and practices, the crisis has called 45, 51–52, 71–72. IPG 3/99 Berger, East Asian Miracle 237 crisis is remote, and the reason for this is to be many, which set the scene for the rapid, but un- found in the close connection between the mak- even, spread of neo-liberalism world-wide. By the ing and unmaking of the East Asian Miracle and early 1980s the main policy conclusions of neo- the history of the Cold War. At this juncture, a classical economics were becoming the received renovated form of neo-liberalism, linked to the wisdom among most of the senior officials in the hegemonic position of the U.S., remains the domi- OECD nations and at the International Monetary nant approach to development in East Asia and Fund and the World Bank. 6 The increased pres- beyond, and a romanticised laissez-faire version sure on governments around the world to libera- of the development path followed by the United lise, privatise and deregulate, coincided with a States will continue to be held up to the rest of growing awareness of the economic resurgence the world as the mirror in which they can observe of Japan and the rise of the East Asian tigers. By their own future. However, although the end of the end of the 1970s, Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, the East Asian Miracle represents a moment of Hong Kong and Singapore, were being held up consolidation for neo-liberalism, it also represents as exemplars of the success of the free-market a crisis of neo-liberalism which is characterised model, while the economic failure of governments by both ominous and encouraging possibilities. 4 in Latin America and Africa was increasingly repre- The East Asian crisis, and the looming crisis of sented as evidence of the short-comings of the neo-liberalism to which it is linked, have created state-centered model. 7 For example, writing in political space for progressive alternatives to gain 1979, Edward Chen argued that in the case of in prominence. But, this will only happen in East Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong and Asia when the elites and historic structures of Singapore »state intervention is largely absent«. He social and political power, which were consoli- argued that all »the state provided« was »a suit- dated during the Cold War, are dramatically able environment for the entrepreneurs to perform reformed or overthrown. their functions«. 8 In 1986 David Aikman asserted that the industrial dynamism of countries such as Hong Kong and Taiwan made clear just how faith- Making Miracles: The State-Market Debate and the ful, consciously or not, the governments of these Lessons of East Asian Development nation-states have been to U.S. »conceptions of free enterprise«. 9 The Rise and Renovation of Neo-Liberalism While the rise of East Asia was increasingly attributed to laissez-faire economic policies, neo- Despite the way in which the dominant laissez- liberalism underwent a process of reorientation in faire interpretations of East Asian development, the second half of the 1980s and this was linked to which gained prominence in the 1980s, presented wider changes in the international political eco- their conclusions as universal lessons in capitalist nomy. For example, there was a shift in Washing- development which transcended history, they were the product of a highly politicised debate which 4. Mark T. Berger, »Up From Neo-Liberalism: Free- occurred against the backdrop of the emergence Market Mythologies and the Coming Crisis of Global and increasingly global diffusion of neo-liberalism. Capitalism« Third World Quarterly: Journal of Emerging Areas vol. 20. no. 2. 1999. In the 1980s neo-classical economic theories asso- 5. James E. Cronin, The World the Cold War Made: ciated with a romanticised laissez-faire version of Order, Chaos and the Return of History [London: Rout- capitalism increasingly meshed with the aims and ledge, 1996]. pp 177, 185. assumptions of a complex array of transnational 6. John Martinussen, Society, State and Market [London: Zed Books, ]. pp. – , . socio-economic forces which possessed the power 1997 260 261 263 7. Michael Barrat Brown, Africa’s Choices: After Thirty and influence to embark on the internationalisa- Years of the World Bank [London: Penguin, 1995]. pp. tion of the neo-liberal project (a process which is 5–6, 29–49. also known as globalization). 5 A crucial turning 8. Edward K. Y. Chen, Hyper-growth in Asian Econo- point was the election of Margaret Thatcher in mies: A Comparative Study of Hong Kong, Japan, Korea, Singapore and Taiwan [London: Macmillan, 1979]. p. 41. Britain, followed soon after by Ronald Reagan in 9. David Aikman, The Pacific Rim: Area of Change, the United States and Helmut Kohl in West Ger- Area of Opportunity [Boston: Little Brown, 1986]. p. 116. 238 Berger, East Asian Miracle IPG 3/99 ton in the mid-1980s symbolised by James Baker’s neo-liberalism which was grounded in the liberal emergence as Treasury Secretary in 1985. In this notion of the state as neutral arbiter. 14 The effort post, Baker, who went on to serve as Secretary of to accommodate the state-centered approaches to State under George Bush (1989–1993), made it the wider neo-liberal understanding of capitalist clear that he was less opposed to economic inter- development which was apparent in the Bank’s vention than his predecessor. Baker looked favou- 1993 report on East Asia, was even more apparent rably on international economic cooperation with in »The State in a Changing World«, which was the major economic and financial powers (especi- launched with considerable fanfare at the annual ally Japan and Germany) and began to pursue a IMF-World Bank meeting in Hong Kong in the series of initiatives to secure agreements with middle of 1997.

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