Take a look at this sample chapter from The Russian Revolution 1894‐1924… Russia in 1914: On the verge of revolution? Or becoming 4 a Western-style democracy? Huge cheering The celebrations in 1913 to celebrate 300 years of the Romanov dynasty gave crowds greet the the Tsarist government opportunities for spectacular pageantry. It started Tsar as he rides into with Nicholas and his family proceeding by open horse-drawn carriages to Moscow for the a solemn service in the Kazan Cathedral in St Petersburg. A national tercentenary holiday had been declared and free meals were served in the poorer parts celebrations of the of the city. There was a public fireworks display in the evening, followed by Romanov dynasty, a week of receptions and balls at the Winter Palace. In the summer the 1913. Is this picture royal party went on a tour of the old heartlands of Russia by royal train evidence that and a convoy of 20 motor cars. The last event was the entry into Moscow, Nicholas was now with Nicholas riding a white horse, alone, 20 metres in front of his guards. popular? These events were the first occasions Nicholas had ridden in public since the 1905 revolution. Do the sheer numbers of people on the Moscow streets in this picture suggest that the bitterness towards him had been forgotten? If so, Russia was no longer on the verge of revolution. A year later, on 30 July 1914, Tsar Nicholas ordered the mobilisation of his vast army, and so took Russia into the First World War. This enquiry investigates what Russia was like as it entered the war. Was it still a backward autocracy that was threatened by revolution or had Russia turned into a modern industrialised democracy, free from fear of revolution? 50 Russia in 1914: On the verge of revolution? Or becoming a Western-style democracy? ■ Enquiry Focus: Russia in 1914: on the verge of revolution, or becoming a modern democracy? This enquiry is an interpretation question, investigating historians’ interpretations of conditions in Russia in 1914. Some historians of the Russian Revolution are known as ‘Optimists’ because they argue that things were getting better by 1914, that Russia was well on the way to becoming a western- style democracy and that, as a result, Russia seemed to have staved off the threat of violent revolution. Other historians, however, argue that Russia had not changed in its essentials and that revolution was still highly likely. Why is this debate on the condition of Russia in 1914 important? It’s important because it helps us understand the differing explanations of why the Revolution broke out in 1917. The Optimists’ hypothesis, that Russia was well on the way to becoming a modern democracy, suggest that the 1917 Revolution was not inevitable but the result of the unpredictable circumstances of the First World War. The Optimists develop their case by pointing out that in Russia in 1914: 1 The forces of violent revolution had been stifled. The 1905 October Manifesto gave the liberals what they had called for: a constitution, free speech, religious toleration, freedom to organise. It separated them off from the radicals and revolutionaries. The government then set about crushing revolutionary opposition groups with a tough and well- organised programme of repression. 2 Russia was becoming a functioning democracy. There was a parliament (the duma) with elections, parties and real debates, so there was no need for a revolution. 3 Russia had a boom economy with a middle class increasing in size and importance. The Russian economy was booming, led by the armaments industry. This boom particularly benefitted the middle classes, which grew in both numbers and wealth. They were much more likely to be supporters of moderation than revolution. 4 Many of the peasants’ grievances had been dealt with. Nicholas’ able minister, Pietr Stolypin, had carried out major reforms giving peasants a real opportunity to break out of poverty. Russia was well on the way to having a class of successful peasant farmers with a vested interest in supporting the Tsarist system. 5 Many workers were better off. Booming industry brought better wages, especially for skilled workers, who would, it was hoped, become less revolutionary. In time, all workers would share in this prosperity and abandon their revolutionary attitudes. The pages which follow deal with each point on the list, one by one. As you read them, judge whether the Optimists are right about each of the five points on the list. The Optimists’ hypothesis is unlikely to be 100 per cent right or 100 percent wrong; you will have to make a judgement about how far each of the Optimists’ cases has been proved and mark its position on the Revolution/Democracy line below. Revolution Democracy 4 3 2 1 0 Russia is still a Tsarist autocracy and violent Russia has become a Western-style revolution is the only way something will change democracy. Revolution is not necessary 51 The Optimists’ case: 1. The forces of revolution had been stifled First we need to return to 1905. Nicholas’ ‘October Manifesto’ was welcomed on the streets. There were cheering crowds, speakers on the corners testing the new freedom of speech, the general strike was called off, in Poland, Lithuania, Finland and other non-Russian-speaking parts of the Empire newspapers appeared in the local languages. However, despite this optimism, the tsarist government was about to regain control of the country. To the revolutionaries the promise of an elected duma did not go nearly far enough, but the public were pleased by the promise of an elected duma and so the revolutionaries lost support and were isolated. This was exactly what Witte had calculated when he persuaded Nicholas to grant the October Manifesto (see page XX). Mass arrests of opponents In St Petersburg: the In the countryside: the Army was used to put Army was used to crush down and crush the peasant resistance – Bolshevik rising thousands were hanged Stifling the Revolution ‘Black Hundreds’ gangs Okhrana cripples attack anti-Tsarists revolutionary organisations By December 1905 the government decided to move against the revolutionaries. Troops loyal to the Tsar arrested most of the members of Soviet the St Petersburg Soviet. An armed rising in Moscow instigated by the A council elected by Bolsheviks was brutally put down: working class districts were shelled, factory workers – see hundreds were arrested and executed. At least 1000 people died. page XX Meanwhile there was also tough repression in the countryside. Peasants could not see anything for them in the October Manifesto and continued their attacks on property into November. The government sent troops out into the countryside, with instructions to show no mercy. This letter from Durnovo, the Minister of the Interior, to the Governor of the Kiev region was typical: ‘I urgently request that you order the use of armed force without the slightest leniency and that insurgents be annihilated and their homes burnt.’ Military courts held rapid trials and executions. 15,000 peasants were hanged, 45,000 deported. As Stolypin, Nicholas’ Chief Minister from 1906, said: ‘The punishment of a few prevents a sea of blood.’ Nicholas approved: he said the military governors were ‘acting splendidly’. 52 Russia in 1914: On the verge of revolution? Or becoming a Western-style democracy? In addition, the government sponsored an organisation called The Union of Russian People. Like the Nazi brownshirts a few years later, it attracted working class right wing men who enjoyed a fight. Nicknamed the ‘Black Hundreds’, their victims were liberals, socialists and, especially, Jews. Gangs carried icons and pictures of the Tsar as well as knives and knuckle-dusters. Anyone who seemed reluctant to kiss the icon or sing the national anthem was beaten up. Over 3000 people were killed by the Black Hundreds in 1905–06. Nicholas wore their badge (he blamed ‘the Jews’ for the revolution anyway) and the government provided money for their newspapers, transport and weapons. One of the few government organisations which was really effective in the years up to 1917 was the secret police, the Okhrana. They operated virtually outside the law, with techniques other secret security forces have used since: spying on revolutionary organisations, opening mail, tapping telephones, bugging The caption to this Russian cartoon from 1906 is: rooms, card indexing suspects. They were highly ‘”Now at last my people are free” says the Tsar.” successful at ‘turning’ members of revolutionary organisations. A mixture of torture, beatings, cups of tea and offers of money led many Here again is point 1 of the Optimist historians’ case former revolutionaries to spy on their colleagues. 1 The forces of violent revolution had been stifled. From the information received, the Okhrana made sudden mass arrests of key members, 1 Whereabouts on the Revolution/Democracy usually in the middle of the night. Both the SR line would you put the government’s actions and the Bolsheviks were crippled by these towards the revolutionaries? Okhrana activities even at the highest levels. By 2 Explain in your own words why you have put it 1917 most Bolshevik leaders had been living in in that position. exile abroad for many years and the SR organisation had collapsed. How did Nicholas get away with it? Through 1906 parts of Russia were close to a state of civil war. Militant revolutionaries fought back: it is estimated that about 2000 government officials were killed. But the government was bound to win in the end because. ■ Its opponents were disunited. Workers, peasants, middle class liberals, nationalists, moderates and revolutionaries had little in common with each other apart from anger with the Tsar.