Asceticism and Monasticism in Late Antiquity: Iris | Journal of the Classical Association of Victoria | New Series | Volume 31 | 2018 The Problem of VaingloryAsceticism and Monasticism in Late Antiquity: The Problem of Vainglory into a new vice: vainglory (κενοδοξία). This pride provided one impetus among many JOHN HENRY for the ostentatious asceticism found in Late Antiquity—didactic writers like Euagrius The Undergraduate Essay Prize was established Ponticus and John Cassian saw this watered– in 2018 for the best essays written by 3rd–year down pride as a spur to moral conduct, a means undergraduates studying Classics, Ancient of crushing worse vices. In such a manner, History, Ancient World Studies or Archaeology at vainglory could perpetuate asceticism as much a Victorian university. John Henry, then at Monash as it threatened its ideal existence. University, was one of the inaugural winners. The Christian discourse’s renunciation of worldly pride is already mature by Late Antiquity. In ascetic writings around ‘The servant of vainglory (κενοδοξία) leads this time, pagan images of glory and a double life. To outward appearance, he competition are reappropriated for a more lives with the monks; but in his heart of inward–looking vision:3 in John Cassian’s hearts he is in the world.’ 5th-century Institutes (1),4 for instance, the worldly ambitions surrounding the ἀγών John Climacus, are ignored for a more suitably inward–looking (22.28)1 The Ladder of Divine Ascent monastic vision, where he describes avoiding gluttony as the first trial in the Olympic Games of self–purification. In Athanasius’ ‘I will not cease to grasp the hope I hold Life of Antony, the hermit that stars in the Of saintdom, and to clamour, mourn and sob, book refuses to be tempted by demons into Battering the gates of heaven with storms of returning to a social life, and building up prayer ....’ a public reputation. These aspirations are quite literally demonised in this discourse, Tennyson, 2 and it is these things that the ascetic must St. Simeon Stylites (2.5–7) leave behind.5 Here I wish to suggest that such a he Christian discourse in the first renunciation of worldly ideals could have few centuries of Late Antiquity very real psychological consequences Tconsciously set itself against the (consequences, I should hasten to add, more lenient approach to worldly pride observable from contemporary evidence, and glory found in paganism—it becomes a mark of the virtuous to ‘despise glory’, in Saint Augustine’s words (De civ. D. 5.19). Using contemporary literature from the 3 For a 5th century B.C.E. example on pagan glory and 4-5th centuries C.E., I wish to argue that this victory, with the public cheering on, see e.g. Bacchyl. did not make pride go away—rather, in the Ode 3, where the poet commemorates the victor of a new ascetic world an old virtue transformed chariot race, Hieron of Sicily, with the crowd cheering on (θρόησε δὲ λαὸς). 4 Poliakoff and Poliakoff (1984): 48–65. 1 Trans. Russell (1982), 204. On classical Greek popular morality and its celebration of public praise, 5 ‘…And then [the demon] tried to lead [Antony] reputation and ambition, c.f. Dover (1974), 226–34. On away from his instruction (ἄσκησις), reminding him the popular attitudes towards public glory and reputation of his possessions (κτήματα), his concern for his sister, in the early Roman Empire (mixed but generally quite social relationships, love of money (φιλαργυρία), love of favourable), cf. Morgan (2007), 95–97. reputation (φιλοδοξία) … and [he said] of virtue (ἀρετή) that its fulfilment (τέλος) is a slog and a great burden …’ 2 Quoted in Fredeman (1968), 73. Athanasius Vita Antonii 5. 16 17 Iris | Journal of the Classical Association of Victoria | New Series | Volume 31 | 2018 Asceticism and Monasticism in Late Antiquity: The Problem of Vainglory and not armchair theories).6 When the desire using self–mortification to appear as the for worldly ambition and pride is stifled, it outsider; a ‘stranger par excellence’ that takes would merely get channelled elsewhere. In on the social role of the impartial mediator consequence, it could lead to a kind of high- in urban disputes.10 In the 1990s, Brown minded asceticism that could afflict both retracted this theory, believing it overstated the novice and elder, the monachos or the the novelty and contemporary importance cenobite, be it in Egypt, Syria or Gaul. This of the ‘holy man,’11 and a general scepticism impulse to master oneself, this pride, I would about tracking real trends from hagiographic argue, provides one further explanation for literature has prevailed.12 Dagron, for example, the extraordinary asceticism we see attested sees the ‘otherness’ of the holy man as literary in Late Antique literature—as we shall see, it construction to dispel scepticism about his is presented as a kind of sustenance to allow otherworldly status13—he does not take it as a ascetic practices to continue. real trend as the 1971 Peter Brown did. Here I want to avoid mono-causal Of course we can’t take literary explanations of how Late Antique asceticism representation for everything; no one would could reach such a feverish pitch—caution deny that extreme ascetic practices existed is necessary as it inevitably invites strong in Late Antiquity to some degree. That is modern value judgements due to its extreme simple Ockham’s razor—why would so many character. Edward Gibbon viewed the monks writers conspire to lie about such a practice? as a ‘race of filthy animals’, dismissing the The only question open to scepticism is how ‘extravagant penances’ of the hermit as a representative such a practice was, which is product of fanaticism, living the life of a not the present concern of this paper. I wish beast.7 Even Peter Brown once described only to argue that, of the ‘holy men’ that did the extreme ascetic practices of the time exist along with their extravagant behaviours as ‘frankly histrionic’.8 It is an intriguing (however few), the causal explanations for behaviour that requires various causal their lifestyle—their motivations—were explanations. Finn’s reminder that Late not always pure. I suggest that we can find Antique monasticism took on different more of the practical reality of Late Antique regional forms due to varying ‘economics, asceticism in non-hagiographic genres that geography and demography’9 from places lack such an immediately rhetorical purpose— like Syria to Egypt naturally applies to monastic rules and moral treatises, I argue, asceticism at this same period. I leave all can often betray a worldly candour that does such considerations open. On our present not always seek to beguile its readers with subject, Peter Brown suggested in 1971 that the holiness of its subject-matter; not all Late we should see these extremes of asceticism Antique literary genres should be treated (particularly its Syrian expression, such with the same suspicion as hagiography. as the Stylites movement) as a carefully For this reason, I will investigate one of the sustained effort to avoid society at all costs, causes of such ‘extravagant’ and ‘histrionic’ asceticism using texts that are plausibly read as reacting against real-world trends. If, for 6 My attempt at psychological explanation here is an instance, we start to see debts legislation attempt, with theorists like Lucien Febvre, to absorb spreading in archaic Greece, we can the mentality of the time using the sources as directly as reasonably infer that debt were occurring possible—not to use modern psychological theory, or worse, psychoanalysis. Cf. Hunt (2002), 337–56. 10 Brown (1971), 91–2, esp. n. 138. 7 Gibbon Volume III (1993), 161; Gibbon Volume IV (1993), 20–1. 11 Brown (1998), 364–5, 368. 8 Brown (1971), 93. 12 Rousseau (1999), 51–2. 9 Finn (2009), 143. 13 Dagron (1981), 143–56, quoted in Rousseau (1999), 52. 18 Asceticism and Monasticism in Late Antiquity: The Problem of Vainglory in reality—or at the very least, the burden of Apophthegmata Patrum, collecting titbits proof rests on the contrary view. In the same of practical wisdom for Egyptian ascetics, way, if there’s enough Late Antique literature also contains cautionary advice for ascetic cautioning against vainglory in monks, we teachers becoming overly pompous with their must take it seriously as a real-world problem power: ‘let [the teacher] be a stranger to the beyond literary representation. Of these desire for domination, vainglory and pride.’20 works, I am not misleadingly presenting The threat of such vices was, therefore, at a few scattered statements here and there least a source of recurring anxiety. as systematic.14 The writers we will shortly consult—Euagrius Ponticus and his disciple The systematic treatment on this vice in Late John Cassian—presented systematic views on Antiquity appears to begin with Euagrius vainglory that can be treated as a doctrine in Ponticus in the late 4th century, himself the a contemporary sense. product of a long stint in the Egyptian ascetic life.21 Addressing himself to fellow Egyptians To begin with, there are plenty of titbits to to help them reach a state of ‘impassivity’ (in suggest some concern with the problem of the context of a larger trilogy),22 Euagrius’ vainglory and worldly pride creeping into Praktikos23 portrays vainglory—the seventh the monastery, which lead to safeguards of eight vices or bad ‘thoughts’ (λογισμοί)— to prevent the monastery from becoming, as a dangerous impulse to pursue glory in Hannah Arendt’s words, a sort of (δόξα), which chases faith away (τὴν ‘counterworld’.15 For this very reason, as πίστιν ἀποδιώκουσα — Pro. 3.1.6).24 Although Lawrence points out,16 ecclesiastical offices Euagrius’ advice is prescriptive, it is built upon that lifted monks from priests and bishops observation.