University of Nebraska - Lincoln DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln Faculty Publications, Classics and Religious Studies Department Classics and Religious Studies June 1998 The Regulation of Hebrew Printing in Germany, 1555-1630: Confessional Politics and the Limits of Jewish Toleration Stephen G. Burnett University of Nebraska - Lincoln, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/classicsfacpub Part of the Classics Commons Burnett, Stephen G., "The Regulation of Hebrew Printing in Germany, 1555-1630: Confessional Politics and the Limits of Jewish Toleration" (1998). Faculty Publications, Classics and Religious Studies Department. 49. https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/classicsfacpub/49 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Classics and Religious Studies at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Publications, Classics and Religious Studies Department by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. Stephen G. Burnett, “The Regulation of Hebrew Printing in Germany, 1555-1630: Confessional Politics and the Limits of Jewish Toleration.” Published in Infinite Boundaries: Order, Disorder, and Reorder in Early Modern German Culture. Ed. Max Reinhart and Thomas Robisheaux. Sixteenth Century Essays and Studies, no. 40. Kirksville, MO: Sixteenth Century Journal Publishers, 1998. Pages 329-348. Copyright © 1998 Truman State University Press. Used by permission. Truman State University Press is online at: https://tsup.truman.edu/ ^fje ^c^ufatton of^c6rew ^printin^ in Oerman^ 1555- 1630 Confessional Politics and the Limits of Jewish Toleration Stephen G. Burnett In the contentious religious and political climate of the German empire between 1555 and 1630, rulers of Lutheran, Reformed, and Catholic cities and territories all agreed that "Jewish blasphemies" were intolerable in a Christian state, yet Jewish printing came to be both legally and politically feasible during these years. This essay examines the German imperial laws that governed the book trade, the religious and political factors that rulers were obliged to weigh when considering whether to allow Jewish printing in their domains, and the policies and safeguards that they could adopt to attenuate these potential risks. In the end, Jewish printing became more acceptable because of two intellectual developments: the emergence of a broadly accepted standard for censorship of Jewish books and the profes- sional Christian Hebraists, who could evaluate Jewish book manuscripts for blasphemous or seditious content. IN EARLY OCTOBER 1559, Mark Sittich, suffragan bishop of Constance, received a disturbing report from Bernard Segisser, an episcopal vogt in Kaiserstuhl: The Count of Suiz had allowed Jews who lived in the town of Tiengen, on the German side of the Rhine, to open a Jewish press. The burghers of the town were worried, fearing that they would suffer "ruinous damage" (yerderplichen Schaden) because of the press. Since Tiengen was located in the bishopric of Constance, what were the bishop's instructions?1 Lacking any clear legal precedents, Bishop ^ernhard Segisser to Mark Sittich, Kaiserstuhl, 30 September 1559, inj. Bader, "Urkunden und Regeste aus dem ehemaligen Klettgauer Archive," Zeitschrift fur die Geschichte des Oberrheins 13 (1861): 476. 329 Stephen G. Bumett Sittich gave Segisser a rather vague response: Since the Jews of the empire enjoyed the favor of Emperor Ferdinand I, they should be allowed to continue printing so long as they did so in Hebrew rather than in a language that Christians could read. Sittich had apparently forgotten that the county of Suiz was not under imperial jurisdiction but was subject to the Swiss Confederation.3 When the existence of the Jewish press was revealed at the 24 June 1560 meeting of confed- eration leaders, the representatives of both Catholic and Protestant cantons, in an unusual display of ecumenical unity, demanded that it be closed immediately. What particularly upset them was that the Talmud, a work they considered injurious to the Christian faith, was to be printed in Tiengen.5 The religious tensions of the decades preceding the Thirty Years' War, along with the consensus among Reformed, Catholic, and Lutheran theologians that Judaism was a false religion, might suggest that any attempt to print Jewish books in Germany would have suf- fered the same fate as the Tiengen press. Yet between the Tiengen incident of 1560 and the approval of a Jewish press in the principality of Hanau in 1609, a legal framework did emerge in Germany that made it far easier to print and market Jewish books there. In this essay I analyze this development by posing three questions: First, what were the laws that governed the book trade within the German empire, and how were these laws applied to Jewish printers? Second, what unwritten political and religious factors did civic and territorial rulers have to weigh when deciding whether to allow Jewish printing? ZSittich to Segisser, 31 October 1559, in Bader, "Urkunden und Regeste," 477. Sit- tich may have been thinking about the generous decree issued by Ferdinand on 30 April 1548 concerning the rights of Jews in Lower Austria. See Selma Stern, Josel of Rosheim: Commander of Jewry in the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation, trans. Ger- trude Hirschler (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1965), 245 and 314, n. 12. ^Handbuch der Historischen Stdtten Deutschlands, vol. 6: Baden- Wiirttemberg, ed. Max Miller and Gerhard Taddey, 2d ed. (Stuttgart: Kroner, 1980), 410. 4Minutes of the Swiss Confederation meeting in Baden, 24 June 1560, Aargau Staatsarchiv, Gemein eidgenossische Abschiede 2, no. 2476, 104 r; summary in Der amt- Uche Abschiedesammlung, vol. 4, pt. 2 (Bern: G. Ratzer, 1861), 131; cf. their letter of com- plaint: Cities and Territories of the Swiss Confederation to the Count of Suiz, Baden, 4 July 1560, Karlsruhe, Generallandesarchiv, Abt. 224, Akten Tiengen, fasc. 62. ^he issue was raised after a representative from Lucerne complained about find- ing defamatory books (Schmdhschriften) for sale in the Zurich market. A Zurich repre- sentative countered this accusation by revealing the existence of a Jewish press in Tiengen, which was to print the Talmud. Der amtliche Abschiedesammlung, vol. 4, pt. 2, p.131. 330 Fruhe Neuzeit Interdisziplindr Regulation of Hebrew Printing^ 1555-1630 Third, what policies and safeguards could a Christian magistrate adopt to reduce the political and religious risks inherent in allowing a Jewish press to operate? By addressing these questions, we will dis- cover not only how German lawyers, theologians, and Christian Hebraists created a narrow but viable legal niche for Jewish printing but also how this consensus reflected the status of Judaism and Jews within the multiconfessional German empire. To illustrate how Jewish presses were regulated, I use archival materials relating to the activities of three different firms: Ambrosius Froben's printing firm in Basel, whose brief venture in Jewish printing produced the heavily censored Basel Talmud (1578-80); the Jewish firm in Thannhausen in Burgau (1592-94), which was subject to the Hapsburgs; and the most successful one, the Hebrew printing firm in Hanau (1609-30), located in the county of Hanau-Miinzenberg, a reformed principality that shared borders with the archbishopric of Mainz and the Lutheran imperial city of Frankfurt am Main. I focus especially on these firms since they were all active after the imperial system of press oversight was fully implemented. While there is evidence of censorship by ecclesiastical and secular authorities in Germany before the Reformation, it was Martin Luther with his overly active pen who encouraged imperial authorities to create a legal framework for controlling what was printed and sold within Germany. A series of laws beginning with Charles V's edict at the Diet of Worms in 1521 that condemned Luther's writings, and augmented by Reichsabschiede passed by the imperial diets of Nurem- berg in 1524, Speyer in 1529, and Augsburg in 1530, made it clear that territorial princes and city magistrates were responsible for ensur- ^n the presses of Tiengen and Thannhausen, see Moshe N. Rosenfeld, "The Development of Hebrew Printing in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries," in A Sign and a Witness: 2,000 Years of Hebrew Books and Illustrated Manuscripts, ed. Leonard Singer Gold (New York: New York Public Library; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988), 96-97, and Heinrich Sinz, Beitrdge zur Geschichte des Marktes und Landkapitals Ichenhausen im 16. und 17. fahrhundert (Ichenhausen: Josef Wagner, 1930), 69-71 (Thannhausen only); on the Basel Talmud, see Ernst Staehelin, "Des Easier Buchdruk- kers Ambrosius Froben Talmudausgabe und Handel mit Rom," Basler Zeitschrift fur Geschichte und Altertumskunde 30 (1931): 7-37, and Joseph Prijs, Die Basler Hebrdische Drucke (1492-1866), ed. Bemhard Prijs (Olten: Urs Graf, 1964), 171-210; on the Hanau Hebrew press, see Stephen G. Burnett, "Hebrew Censorship in Hanau: A Mirror of Jew- ish-Christian Coexistence in Seventeenth Century Germany," in The Expulsion of the Jews: 1492 and After, ed. Raymond B. Waddington and Arthur H. Williamson, Garland Studies in the Renaissance, vol. 2 (New York: Garland, 1994), 199-222. Infinite Boundaries 331 Stephen G. Bumett ing that all books produced under their jurisdiction be properly cen- sored prior to printing and that all offenders,