PICKETS, POLICE AND POLITICS THE MINERS’ STRIKE 1984-1985 A RESOURCE PACK CREATED FOR SECONDARY SCHOOL TEACHERS IN ASSOCIATION WITH BIG PIT: NATIONAL COAL MUSEUM THE MINERS’ STRIKE 1984-1985 2 A PICKET LINE AT PENALLTA COLLIERY A resource for secondary schools explaining the 1 2 3 4 background, events The social and The strike The aftermath Site visit to Big Pit and aftermath of political background of the strike National Coal the Miners’ Strike to the strike Museum of 1984-85 3 1Section One The social and political background to the strike THE COAL INDUSTRY IN 1984 ‘There is no way, with poor economics, that you can guarantee a social environment’ Ian MacGregor, Chairman of the National Coal Board, 1983 The coal industry underwent great changes following nationalisation in 1947. Considerable investment was ploughed into the industry by the government allowing new equipment and mining techniques to be introduced. Until the mid 1950s, levels of employment and production remained steady but, with the decline in the demand for coal and the challenge from Middle East oil, 50 collieries were closed in south Wales between 1957 and 1964. During the 1970s, the industry was hit by two major strikes. In 1972 Conservative Prime Minister Edward Heath caved in when the miners went on strike for more pay. When another miners’ strike began in 1974, Mr Heath called a snap general election hoping to rally public support against the miners. But the public vote went against him resulting in victory for the Labour Party. By the 1980s the British coal industry was one of the safest and most efficient in the world. However, the new Conservative government under Margaret Thatcher wanted to make industry more efficient by slimming down what they regarded as unprofitable industries. Under her leadership, many former state run industries like gas, water and the railways were transferred to private sector ownership i.e. they were privatised. British Telecom was the first service provider to be ‘de-nationalised’ in 1984, followed by many others in subsequent years. At the Section One The social and political background to the strike 4 same time she wanted to weaken the power of the trade union movement which she believed had become too powerful. This agenda put the Conservative government on a collision course with the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM). Incidentally, the NCB became British Coal in 1987, in readiness for privatisation which occurred in 1994. THE MINING COMMUNITIES In Wales, until well after the Second World War, the coal mining villages were virtually single industry communities. The coal boom of the later nineteenth century had created communities that were either directly or indirectly dependant on the coal industry. This encouraged an insular outlook but also created a situation where the interests of both the colliery and village were united. The South Wales Miners’ Federation (which became the South Wales Area of the National Union of Mineworkers in 1944 but was still generally referred to as ‘The Fed’) not only looked after their members, they also helped to develop social and cultural organisations such as working men’s institutes, libraries and friendly societies which benefited the whole community. The coal industry’s influence in Wales was lessening by this time but there was still a strong sense of community in the coalfield. In the UK as a whole there were 235,000 men working at 223 pits in 1979. By 1983, this had fallen to 182,000 working in 175 pits. The recession of the late 1970s and early 1980s had also damaged other Welsh industries. Therefore, unemployment in south Wales was already over 13%, much higher than the UK average. As a result, many miners and their families felt they had no choice but to fight for the right to work and the future of their communities. Section One The social and political background to the strike 5 SIX ARGUMENTS FOR PIT CLOSURES SIX ARGUMENTS AGAINST PIT CLOSURES Oil, natural gas and nuclear power were all Closing down coal mines will create massive 1 cheaper than coal for producing electricity. 1 unemployment The coal industry had not made a profit for over There is usually no other type of industry in coal 2 40 years. 2 mining areas – unemployed miners and their children will have little chance of finding new work It was cheaper to import coal from overseas than 3 it was to mine it in Britain. There are vast reserves of coal underground; 3 collieries should be worked no matter what the cost. It did not make economic sense for the British 4 people to subsidise a loss making industry. A coal mine is central to the community; if you close 4 the mine you kill the community. By closing inefficient coal mines the future of the 5 remaining coal mines could be safeguarded. The closure program is simply the Conservative 5 government’s way of getting revenge on the coal People should not look to the government to miners for defeating the Conservative government 6 protect their jobs and livelihood. in1974. The government should protect and ensure the long 6 term future of the country’s important natural resources. Section One The social and political background to the strike 6 QUOTES ABOUT CLOSURES ‘Mr. MacGregor’s aim, and the Government’s aim, is to produce a good, profitable coalmining industry.’ Margaret Thatcher, Prime Minister ‘Mining communities would not survive... There will be an increase in physical and mental illness, suicide, more domestic violence M ARGARET and the break up of families. The valleys of south Wales would be THATCHER nothing more than an ageing, dying community fit only for tourism and industrial museums.’ Arthur Scargill, President of the NUM ‘Perform and you have a future, don’t, and you have no future, it’s as simple as that. ’ Ian MacGregor, Chairman, NCB ‘The miners in south Wales are saying – we are not accepting the dereliction of our mining valleys, we are not allowing our children to go immediately from school into the dole queue – it is time we fought!’ Emlyn Williams, President, NUM South Wales Area GILL ARTHUR SCAR 7 2 Section Two The strike POLICE AND PICKETS ‘This is an attempt to substitute the rule of the mob for the rule of law, and it must not succeed’ Margaret Thatcher ‘Another example of the Police State in 1984!’ Arthur Scargill The strike was not a straightforward contest between the government and the NUM. Whole communities could sometimes be divided between miners who wished to work and those who were out on strike. The decision not to hold a ballot on strike action gave a reason for some miners to continue to turn up to work. To prevent this happening NUM ‘Flying pickets’ would travel to coal mines away from their normal places of work to persuade their colleagues who wished to work not to cross their picket line. Police would be on duty to make sure those ‘working miners’ could get to work. The n o s miners’ strike has often been seen as a war between the police and pickets in spite of the p m o fact that most picketing was carried out in an orderly and peaceful manner. Although the h T e ritual, good natured pushing and shoving between police and pickets could look very k i violent indeed when shown on the evening news. M Section Two The strike 8 ‘Relationships between the police and pickets were quite jovial really, just a bit of pushing and shoving.’ Dave Savage, Police Support Unit ‘Picketing at Aberthaw was usually quiet, some lorry drivers would stop to hear our arguments but mostly they just drove past us.’ George Winorgorski, Cwm Colliery ‘Some of it was a bit boring … there were plenty of pickets on hand but no real trouble apart from verbal abuse.’ Tony Popple, Police Support Unit However, more violent clashes between police and striking miners did occur. ORGREAVE The worst example of this took place at the Orgreave Coking Plant in Yorkshire in June 1984 when striking miners from all over the country tried to stop supplies of coal reaching the plant. Up to 6,000 pickets are thought to have been present faced by up to 8,000 police including 40 – 50 mounted officers and 60 police dogs. Pickets were normally prevented from travelling to picket lines but this time they were escorted to a field just to the north of the coking plant. During the ensuing confrontation, stones were thrown by pickets and police baton charges carried out, both mounted and on foot. Ninety three pickets were arrested. Section Two The strike 9 TWO VIEWS ON THE VIOLENCE WITNESSED AT ORGREAVE IN JUNE 1984 ‘You could see all these snatch squads going wild with their truncheons at the top of the bank. They were hitting men with no protection. They were just wild and over the top. They were going to smash the strike there and then, whatever it took to do it!’ Meirion John, South Celynen Colliery ‘The pickets began throwing stones, bricks, wood torn from fences, and our officers were being injured. That was the time for me to order officers to go in with shields to prevent that sort of thing happening.’ Tony Clement, Assistant Chief Constable, South Yorkshire Police Although Wales avoided most of the violence seen in other coalfields, Welsh miners were killed whilst on picket duty and a taxi driver was killed as he took a strike-breaker to work in Merthyr Vale Colliery. Section Two The strike 10 WOMEN’S SUPPORT GROUPS ‘Women were supportive because it was over jobs and communities but, at the end of the day, I just wanted to feed the kids.’ Glynys Evans, Blaenllechau As the strike continued, the miners and their families began to face real hardship as the men, who had been amongst the best paid manual workers in the country, had been without income since the beginning.