Article／論文 Rethinking Discussions on “Islam” and “State” in Contemporary Egypt The Community-Based Approach in Ṭāriq al-Bishrī’s Political and Legal Thought KURODA Ayaka Ⅰ . Introduction Ⅱ . Al-Bishrī’s Career and Intellectual Journey as a Judge and Thinker Ⅲ . The Religion-State Relationship in al-Bishrī’s Thought Ⅳ . The Relationship between Islamic Law and Positive Law in al-Bishrī’s Thought Ⅴ . Conclusion 現代エジプトにおける法・国家・イスラーム ターリク・ビシュリーの政治思想における共同体主義と 社会的融和 黒田 彩加 本論文は、社会が抱える問題に呼応して、個人の関心を軸に議論を展開する「思想 家／知識人」という存在を鍵に、彼らの思想的内実と系譜、彼らをとりまく社会空間 1 Rethinking Discussions on “Islam” and “State” in Contemporary Egypt（Kuroda） とそこで展開される政治の動態を思想史的に理解することを目指している。宗教復興 のおこりから50年近くが経過し、イスラーム主義勢力の政治的主張が洗練される一方で、 世俗主義とイスラーム主義をめぐる思想的対立は、現在に至るまで、深刻な問題とし てエジプト社会に存在している。 2000年代以降、イスラーム運動の穏健化が注目されるにあたって、その思想的基盤 を支える知識人にも研究史的な関心が集まりはじめたが、実情としては、個々の知識 人の特質や、エジプトの思潮を支える彼らの多様性は評価されてこなかった。 本論文は、20世紀後半にエジプト政治で白熱した「イスラーム法の施行」問題と、そ こに現れる近代国家特有の政教関係の緊張を軸に、判事を務めた経験を持つイスラー ム思想家である、ターリク・ビシュリーの法・政治思想の特質を考察するものである。 イスラーム主義に共感を寄せる他の知識人とは異なり、政教関係を論じるにあたって、 ビシュリーはイスラームにおける宗教と政治の一元性を信じる発想に依拠しない。彼が 立脚するのは、社会における基調的な文化が、人々に帰属と連帯の感覚を与え、諸法 令の正当性を担保し、様々な社会制度を形成する原動力となるという発想である。イ スラームを法・社会構造の根幹をなす枠組みとみなしたうえで、政治体制の選択、特 定の法学派への依拠といった諸問題に関しては、歴史や社会環境を考慮した共同体自 身の選択が尊重されるべきとする。彼の立場は、共同体が経験してきた歴史や社会・ 政治的現実を肯定するものであり、それゆえに、画一的な社会のイスラーム化に対抗し、 多元的な社会のあり方を支持するものとなっている。 1970年代以降、イスラーム法の施行を求める社会的要請の背景には、エジプトにお ける実定法中心の法体系に対する不満があった。ビシュリー自身、実定法とイスラーム 法の間には、法の妥当性をめぐる矛盾が存在することを認めている。しかし、無為な 論争に終始する政治家や哲学者と異なり、イスラーム法学者や実定法を専門とする法 曹にとって、イスラーム法と実定法の相互交渉が様々な場面で観察されるゆえに、両 者をめぐる二項対立自体が存在しないとビシュリーは論じる。 一方、イスラーム法の持つ倫理的側面や、共同体の過去と現在をつなぐ遺産として の役割ゆえに、実定法に比較したその優越性を信ずる立場をビシュリーは堅持している。 イスラーム法であるか実定法であるかを問わず、「注釈」を通じて成文法と可変の現実 を対応させようとする彼の構想は、法曹としての立場と、改革主義の主流を汲むイスラー ム思想家としての立場の合流点に生まれたものといえる。 これらの議論に立ち現れているように、国民の連帯という思想的関心と法曹として の専門知に基づき、社会に存在する諸々の対立を乗り越えようとビシュリーの姿勢は、 エジプトに生きるイスラーム思想家としての彼の立ち位置を、いっそう稀有で独特な ものとしている。 AJAMES no.34-2 2018 2 I. Introduction While the rise of the Islamist movements in Egyptian society in the 1970s brought about serious conflict between secular liberalism and Islamism, Islamic political thought has undergone dynamic transformations and different orientations since then. At first, scholarly attention focused on Islamists’ radical claims and violent activities. However, as many Islamists in different countries peacefully joined the political process in the 1970s and created more sophisticated political manifests, the actual presence of their political ideas and activities was widely recognized, especially in the 2000s. Since then, many studies have been based on socio-political analyses and have addressed “moderation in the Islamist movement.” However, some scholars who are interested in intellectual history seem to be unsatisfied with the marginalization of the intellectual aspect of religion and politics. As noted by Browers, some socio-political research underestimated the inherent motive of such reformist voices due to their focus on the structural motives for moderation [Browers 2009]. Based on such criticism, she examined how diversified ideologies from ethno-nationalism to moderate Islamism began to be shared among Arab intellectuals. Jillian Schwedler, who elaborated the theory of “Inclusion-Moderation” based on case studies in Jordan, disagrees with Browers’ criticism. From the perspective of Schwedler, Browers’ method “more than shift[s] the emphasis from groups to individuals or away from structural incentives for moderation” [Schwedler 2011: 366]. Such arguments at cross purposes show a large gap between intellectual history and social, political science. For me, intellectuals and their ideas are worth studying in and of themselves, sometimes even when disregarding their importance in the social and political sciences. Through their writings, intellectuals reflect their personal lives and interests, locate their ideas or discourses in a sort of intellectual genealogy and the tradition they belong to, and infer the context and problems of the society or political sphere where they live regardless of their true intention. For instance, Arab Muslims have faced numerous problems since the modern period: the emergence of modern nation-state systems, the evolution of human rights discourses, the modernization process of Islamic law, and the interaction with new Western ideologies such as socialism and secularism. Regardless of their ideological orientation, many distinguished Muslim scholars have attempted to solve this dilemma that is peculiar to the modern world and to create the ideal politico- 3 Rethinking Discussions on “Islam” and “State” in Contemporary Egypt（Kuroda） social model for Muslim society. Based on such interests, this study focuses on Ṭāriq al-Bishrī (1933-), a renowned Egyptian jurist and thinker with moderate Islamist tendencies. While building a consistent career as a judge in the administrative court until his retirement, he authored more than fifteen books including two prominent works, The Political Movement in Egypt and The Copts and Muslims in the Framework of the National Community. Among the wide range of topics he dealt with̶for instance, modern Egyptian history, the modernization of Islamic law, calls for judicial and political reform, and the reconsideration of heritage (turāth) in the Arab world̶he has always sustained his primary interest: the achievement of democracy and national unity. Thus far, some scholars have focused on al-Bishrī’s conversion from leftist to Islamist intellectual [Binder 1988; Meijer 1989; Burgat and Dwell 1993]. While they have dealt with aspects of Egyptian nationalism and Islamism in his writings, they have shown more interest in the former than the latter. In addition, although I admit to the consistency of his ideas since his ideological conversion, there is a gap of more than 20 years. In the 2000s, as the political condition in Egypt deteriorated under the Mubarak regime, he intensified his criticism toward dictatorship and ardently manifested his longing for democratic governance and civil society. His ideas should be reexamined given the recent context. Studies conducted after the 2000s started to relocate his ideas in the new context. After both Sagi Polka and R. W. Baker shed light on the intellectual circle that they called the “Centrist/wasaṭīya school” [Baker 2003; Polka 2003], other scholars have examined al-Bishrī’s ideas, particularly in an intellectual context regarding Egypt’s interreligious relationship [Scott 2010]. Owing to his intellectual approach to Egypt’s critical issues, he has been categorized as one of “the New Islamists” [Baker 2003], a Centrist/wasaṭīya Intellectual [Polka 2003; Scott 2010], one of “the independent Islamists” [Diyāb 2002], and so forth.(1) However, although most scholars label him as an “Islamist/Islamic thinker,” few pay attention to his theoretical elaboration on the role of Islam in the public sphere, in other words, the religion-state relationship. In addition, as mentioned by J. Høigilt, “most treatments of centrism are content with sweeping generalizations”; however, previous studies have not clarified a distinguishing feature of each centrist intellectual [Høigilt 2011: 49]. As a result, the diversity within this Islamic centrist school remains unclear, which leads to a lack of comprehensive understanding of this school and the Egyptian Islamist political and AJAMES no.34-2 2018 4 cultural scene. Moreover, although he is often described as a moderate/centrist thinker, it is unclear what elements contributed to such an evaluation. As all intellectuals, he must have been influenced by previous or contemporary generations, and generated his original ideas based on a kind of intellectual genealogy. In this study, I attempt to clarify the characteristics of al-Bishrī’s political and legal thought. Focusing on his concepts of statehood, governance, and his understanding of Islamic law, I consider the implications of his ideas in relation to the historical, political, and epistemological contexts in the Egyptian Islamist scene. The considered context or background is the debate and political process over the application of sharia in the latter decades of the twentieth century in Egypt, which was one of the most heated issues of the time. Although it ceased to be discussed in the Egyptian political arena in the late 1980s, it has been one of the essential pillars of the Islamist ideal. Al-Bishrī is an interesting thinker in this regard. Despite his Islamist inclinations, he completed his career in the official judicial system in Egypt. His political and legal thoughts, which were generated from his unique background, contribute to exploring the diversity within Islamist thought. II. Al-Bishrī’s Career and Intellectual Journey as a Judge and Thinker Ṭāriq al-Bishrī was born in Cairo in 1933.(2) In this interwar period in Egypt, mass movements such as the Muslim Brotherhood and Young Egypt arose under the pressure of British forces. The circumstances in which he was brought up were deeply connected with both traditional and modern Egyptian society, as is represented by his family’s careers. His grandfather Salīm was a Grand Imam of al-Azhar (in office: 1900-1904, 1909-1916), who belonged to the conservative wing within the body of the Azharite scholars.(3) His father, ‘Abd al-Fattāḥ (d. 1951), was a chief of the Court of Appeals. His uncle, ‘Abd al-‘Azīz (d. 1943), is a renowned writer who graduated from al-Azhar. The development of urban culture, the expansion of journalism, and the emergence of modern elites in Cairo had an explicit influence on him. At