Chapter Three Solomon—His Actions and Books: Prefiguration, Typology

Chapter Three Solomon—His Actions and Books: Prefiguration, Typology

Chapter Three Solomon—HisActionsand Books: Prefiguration, Typology, and HisTeachings Thou may well see it reason Forasthe wise Solomon in his proverbs bears witness that gold, treasure, and great riches agood name doth well all surmount who that last aright account. Guillaume de Deguileville, ThePilgrimage of the Life of Man (1330,1335)²⁸⁸ Though Solomon did not figure in the genealogyofJesus, he was nonetheless regarded as aprefiguration of the Christian Messiah. Despite Solomon’snegative imageasasinner, the three booksattributed to him werearich sourceofalle- gorical readings that treated them as a demonstratio evangelica of boththe com- ing of the Messiah and of the Church itself. Such readingsresulted from the Christian view of the Old Testament as aChristian asset,the correct interpreta- tion and true meaning of which onlythe New Testament could supply.²⁸⁹ This implies that without the Old Testament there is no New Testament.Thispercep- tion spawned apolemic and asense of competition concerning the rightful own- ers, and the true interpreters,ofthe Bible.²⁹⁰ From aChristian point of view,the historicalrole of the Jewish people was merelytopreservethe Bible for the Christians until they appeared—in other words, to act as custodes librorum nostrorum. Augustine formulated this Lines 15407–15412. Translated by John Lydgate(1426), editedbyFurnivall, Millwood, New York, 1975.See S. K. Hagen (1990). See, for example Barrett (1963); Chadwick (1963); and J. N. D. Kelly(1963). More recently, see Kalimi (2017). It is unfortunatelynot possible to include herein athorough discussion of the “internal” rabbinic-Karaite polemic and its influenceonrabbinical interpretations of the Bible. Justin Martyr accuses the JewTryphon of being “ignorant of Scripture”,and Tryphon casts the same accusation at Aquila.We should bear in mind that the Evangelists and the earlyChurch Fathers based their arguments on the Septuagint and accepted the legend that that translation was divinelyinspired; as aresult, at times they were misled—or erred—in understanding the ,”inIsaiah 7:14 was translatedas“parthenos( לע המ ) ”text.Thus,for example, the word “alma “virgin”.Onthis matter,see Benoit (1974); and Rokeah (2012). Luther wrote that the Jews wererobbed of aproperunderstanding of Scripturebecause they readthe Bible according to the midrash and rabbinic commentary and not according to its literalmeaning, and that they “use all of these books to blasphemethe son of God” (Luther 2015,pp. 91,93). OpenAccess. ©2020Yaacov Shavit, published by De Gruyter. This work is licensed under the CreativeCommons Attribution 4.0 International. https:// doi.org/10.1515/9783110677263-005 Chapter Three: Solomon—HisActions and Books 57 dogma in the following way: “In the Old Testament the New is concealed, in the New the Old is revealed” (Novum Testamentum in Vetere latet, VetusTestamen- tum in Novo patet).²⁹¹ The Byzantine Emperor Justinian’s Novella 146 (issuedin 553)²⁹² described Jews as adhering to adenuded, literal interpretation of the Bible because they did not believeinthe final judgment of Jesus, in the resurrec- tion, or in the creation of the angels. Thus, they were unable to comprehend the spiritual meaning of God’swords²⁹³—i.e., the “correct”,Christian wayofreading the Bible, which made use of typological, symbolic, and allegorical interpreta- tion.²⁹⁴ AccordingtoThomas Aquinas, “certain things de Christo are prefigured in the Old Testament through, e.g. David or Solomon, the Old Testament is a fig- ura of the New Testament and the Church, and the Church is a figura of heav- en”²⁹⁵—hence Christianity’sclaim of figurative validity.Inany case, Justinian’s above-mentioned Novella was aimed against those who soughtthe exclusive use of Hebrew and allows the liturgicalreading “in all the other languages, changinglanguageand readingaccordingtothe different places… there shall be no license to the commentators they have,who employ the Hebrew language to falsify it at their will…”;the reasoningwas that Jews’ knowledge of Hebrew would allow them an advantage in interpretation.²⁹⁶ In doing so, Justinianinter- feres in an inter-Jewish Kulturkampf whereradicals want to imposethe Hebrew readingeveninthe diaspora. Jewishand Christian exegetes read the Bible in similar ways, “rambling” through it,separating verses from their literalmeaning and historical context (while simultaneouslyaccepting the historicity of characters and events), and combiningverses originallyfar apart in terms of time, location, and substance, See Bright (1999); K. Hagen(1974,p.39); Cohen (1999,pp. 36–51). Novella 146,553.See de Lange (2017); Linder (1987, pp. 402–411). See Schmeling. AlengthydiscussionofAugustine on this subject maybefound in Contra Faustum;Rutgers (2009,pp. 37–77). In the fourth century,the dogma of John Cassian (c.360 –435) was broadly accepted, and was summed up by Nicholas of Lyre: “Litteragesta docet [The letter teaches how one should act]; Quid credas allegoria [allegory,whatone should believe]; Moralis quid agas [morals, what one should do]; Quotendas anagogia [anagogy,whither one should strive]”,thus assigning four meanings to the Scriptures: literal, allegorical, typological, and anagogic. Celsus pointed out the dualism (or internal contradiction) within Christian allegory when he wrote that Chris- tians adopted the Biblical cosmogonyand, by means of typological allegory,attempted to con- ceal their denial of Mosaic laws (6:29). Origen(1965, pp. 344–345). See also Guibert of Nogent (shortlybefore 1083), quoted in Minnis (2009,p.34). In anyevent,the issue of the correct waytounderstand the Old Testament was controversial within both Judaism and Christianity. Young(2002,pp.189–192). See K. Hagen (1974,pp. 47– 48). See Parkes (1934,pp. 392–393), and Rutgers (2009,pp. 67– 77). 58 Chapter Three: Solomon—His Actions and Books imbuing them in this manner with new meaning.Their selection and combina- tion of verses were not undertaken randomly.Anexegete had predefined goals; he searched out—and found—those verses thatsuited and affirmed his goals. Thus, while Jewishand Christian exegetes read the same verses, they used them to support entirely different meanings.²⁹⁷ Medieval Christian polemicists, who encountered mainlyJewish midrashim, scarcelyunderstood the hermeneuticaltechniquesormeanings that Jewish Mid- rashic literature employed up to the end of the seventh century (ninth, if we in- clude texts like Pirqe de-Rabbi Eliezer or SederEliyahu); these werefundamen- tallydifferent from the hermeneutical techniques of Christian biblical commentators and theologians.²⁹⁸ At anyrate, the prodigious amount of writing devoted to interpretations and allegorizationsofSolomon’slife and, even more so, of the books said to be his, testify to his central place in the correspondence that took place between Christianityand Judaism over the centuries. The first Christian allegorist was Origen. Lawson writes that he was “the first Christian scholartosystematize allegoricalinterpretations of Scripture based on the mystic concept that it has avisibleand invisibleelement and that in the in- visibleithas hiddenmeaning and has asoul”.²⁹⁹ Based on this belief, Christian allegorical readings accorded Solomon the statusofapraefiguratio—apresaging of Jesus; sections of Solomon’sbiographywerethus subjecttotypological, sym- bolic, and allegorical interpretation. The kingsofmanynations who traveled to Jerusalem to hear Solomon’swisdom prefiguredand symbolized the ultimate DayofJudgment and Jesus’ universal, atemporal message.Isidore, Archbishop of Seville, found that by constructingthe First Temple, Solomon “prefigures the imageofChrist who raised the house of God in the heavenlyJerusalem, not with stone and wood, but with all the saints”.³⁰⁰ Speculum Humanae Salva- tionis (The Mirror of Human Salvation), awork of popular late-medieval theolo- gy,stated that Solomon enthroned was an imageofChrist seated in the Virgin’s Modern commentators and exegetes continue in this manner and interpret ancient midra- shim consideringtheir own views and modern concepts, and, in this way, endow them with new meaning. On this point Ihavelearned agreat deal from the insights of Daniel Boyarin’s Intertextuality and the Reading of Midrash (Boyarin 1990). Origen (1957,pp. 8–9). On Origen’sexegetical methods, see Daniélou (1973,pp. 273–281). Aristotle influenced biblicalcriticism and oriented it towardarationalist approach. See Smalley (1983, pp. 292–295). Ambrose, whoread Origen, showed Augustinus the wayofallegoric inter- pretation of scriptures as away to conceal its hidden meanings. Isidore, Allegoriae quaedam sanctae Scriptura,Migne,Patrologia Latina, Vol. 98, cols. 97– 130. Solomon’sTemple 59 lap: “The Throne of the true Solomon is the most Blessed Virgin Mary,inwhich sits Jesus, the True Wisdom”. Though the canonizationofthe three books attributed to Solomon once at- tracted afair amount of controversy,Christian tradition did not,for the most part,doubtthe idea of his authorship or of Solomon’sdivineinspiration in com- posing them.Tertullian, for example, stated thattheir “supreme antiquity en- dows these books with the highest authority”.³⁰¹ As to whether it was fitting to grant authority (auctoritas)toEcclesiastes—its author being giventowicked- ness and sin—the consensus was positive,asSolomon alsoexemplified the pen- itent sinner.³⁰² Solomon’sTemple³⁰³ Rabbinic Judaism regarded the construction of the Temple as Solomon’sgreatest deed—an eternal and even cosmic act.Somesources describe the buildingand inauguration

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