Manifesto for the Future of Europe: a Shared Destiny © Spinelli Group 2018

Manifesto for the Future of Europe: a Shared Destiny © Spinelli Group 2018

Manifesto for the Future of Europe: A Shared Destiny © Spinelli Group 2018 The Spinelli Group 25 Square de Meeûs 1000 Brussels www.spinelligroup.eu MANIFESTO FOR THE FUTURE OF EUROPE When the time comes for Europe’s politics is as simple as ever. There are citizens to elect a new European those who want to continue to unify Parliament in 2019, they will hear many Europe and find common answers for calls for reform of the European Union. the common good. And there are Often, those who make them will be those who would destroy the unable to say exactly what they European Union: populist politicians mean. Once again, the public will be thriving on discord and resentment, confronted with confusing discussions risking a return to Europe’s nationalist of rules and procedures, of past. competences and powers. Some We believe that European voters will switch off. Others will disintegration would be a road to remember only quarrels about money, disaster, and that strong democratic sovereignty, and how harshly or government organised on federal lines generously to treat would-be is the best guarantor for the future immigrants. peace and prosperity of our continent. Reforming the European Union is a This Manifesto lays out a path towards complex endeavour. To be fair to a comprehensive reform of the politicians, the decisions that need to European Union. It explains why reform be taken are ill suited to the necessary is necessary, what those changes simplifications of electoral politics. But should be, and how they should be the fundamental divide in European done. Topics A shared destiny Differentiation Constitutional principles Competences and powers The European Parliament Finances The European Council and Council Economic and Monetary Union The Commission The euro area The European Court of Justice Justice and home affairs Law making Europe in the world Organic law Security and defence Treaty change 1 A SHARED DESTINY It is difficult to be indifferent about the European unity has to be made once future of Europe. As always, Europeans again, repeatedly and with may choose whether to pursue the conviction. cause of unity or to retreat behind The elections to the European national borders. But if Europe is to be Parliament in May 2019 and the more united, it must be better appointment of the new Commission governed than it is today. are excellent opportunities to sharpen The Spinelli Group brings together and widen the debate. Candidates politicians from a wide range of for the new Parliament and nominees political parties. This Manifesto is our for the Commission should be urged to contribution to the debate on the address the issues of the EU’s future future of Europe. Our aim is to work by political direction and democratic stages towards a federal union of legitimacy. With this Manifesto, we lay Europe based on the values of liberal out a path towards more European democracy, solidarity and the rule of unity and better European law. These values are under attack at government. home and abroad. So the case for Section’s content Time for review European sovereignty Preparing reforms Political reform Constitutional government Constituent process Time for review purposefully by those national leaders, MEPs and MPs who will take part in the Twenty years after the last next Convention. constitutional Convention, the next general revision of the treaties cannot The first step is to take stock of the be too long delayed. The Treaty of state of the Union. We must analyse Lisbon has been tested and found carefully where it stands and where it wanting in some important respects.1 fails while avoiding the jump to EU treaty change is a complicated simplistic solutions to what are exercise, and needs to be well intrinsically complex problems. prepared intellectually, legally and Although the EU can take pride in its politically. Efforts to deepen many achievements, it is obvious that integration will not succeed unless it continues to promise more than it supported by Europe’s citizens and led actually delivers. Public affinity with and understanding of the EU’s 1 The Treaty of Lisbon was signed in December 2007 complicated institutions is weak. The and came into force in December 2009. It has two parts: the Treaty on European Union (TEU) and the constitutional structure of the Union is Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union only half-built, unstable and ill- (TFEU). 2 Manifesto for the future of Europe A shared destiny equipped to deal with crucial tasks, Reform must empower the especially at times of crisis. Union to act usefully wherever the old nation states are failing. We know that the economic and New institutions should be monetary union designed at avoided if possible (we have Maastricht nearly thirty years ago lacks enough). depth and resilience, and that the euro area is under-insured against the Building Europe’s new polity cannot next financial crisis. The EU’s profile be accomplished by simply and impact on the world stage is aggregating the national practices uncertain. In terms of security and and preferences of its member states. defence, the Union is ill-prepared. It Deeper political integration requires struggles to agree on a common adding a new upper tier of approach to the challenges of asylum government above the level of and immigration. Its budgetary Europe’s nation states. Over the years, wrangles are perennial. The internal governance of the Union has lived market is still work in progress. with the difficult dichotomy of being Enlargement has almost ground to a part federal and part confederal, halt. And Brexit exemplifies the risk of building supranational institutions while 2 gradual disintegration. continuing to take decisions in an intergovernmental way. That Up to section’s menu compromise has served its purpose, allowing for a stronger European Preparing reforms Council to be balanced by a The second step towards reform is to strengthened European Parliament. lay down a number of guiding The European Court of Justice has principles and objectives: always upheld steps in a federal direction where they are justified by Both the methods and aims of the EU treaties. The European Central reform must be democratic. Bank is now responsible for the federal Measures proposed must be supervision of the euro area banks. coherent and practicable. Reform must maintain the main Today, however, we should ask achievements of European ourselves whether that uneasy trade- integration (the ‘acquis’). off between representatives of the The Union must respect the states and the citizens has produced a rights of the member states.3 government democratic, efficient and Reform must be resolute and transparent enough to give citizens a proportionate to the scale of sufficient sense of ownership. The the challenges faced by heads of state and government, Europe. through the European Council, try to offer strategic leadership, but they do 2 The UK voted to leave the EU in a referendum on 23 not run the Union on a day-to-day June 2016. The secession is due to take place on 29 basis: nor should they. Accordingly, March 2019. 3 States’ rights are defined in particular in Articles 4 the Spinelli Group proposes to and 5 TEU. 3 reinforce the role of the European democratic accountability should be Commission as the Union’s hardwired into the EU’s constitution. supranational executive, subject to stronger democratic control and Up to section’s menu scrutiny. Constitutional government Our concept is a federated union of Government exists to define, defend states, regions, municipalities and and promote the interests of the citizens. We do not want a governed. A polity without homogenous centralised super-state. government is vulnerable and While enjoying primacy in areas where practically impossible to lead. competences have been conferred Although it may be true that in good on it by its member states, the Union is times the half-built EU can manage on far from all-powerful. The federalist its present basis, it is obvious that in principle of subsidiarity usefully guides bad times it cannot. Mere crisis the EU as to which level of management by European government is best suited to take technocrats working for national decisions and implement them.4 Lower leaders will fuel the rise of levels of government are not demagogues threatening our values subordinate to the EU institutions in and our future. As a polity, the Union is Brussels but coordinate with them insufficiently purposeful. If it is to meet within a common legal order. Federal the expectations of its citizens and the governance of the Union is channelled challenge of our times, it must vertically between multi-levels of organise itself better. government — European, national, regional and local — as well as In moving from the Treaty of Lisbon through horizontal, transnational towards an improved constitutional mechanisms. settlement, we are not seeking to pre- empt decisions about the future shape While conformity with EU law upholds or style of EU policies. On the contrary, the operation of the single market and we are proposing to create a robust the common area of freedom, security constitutional framework inside which and justice, uniformity is not desirable politicians and lawmakers can for its own sake. In some cases, the exercise their contrasting and desire to keep decisions close to the competing judgements about policy, people may prevail over the drive to responding to changing social, maximise efficiency. There have been natural, economic and political times when EU law-makers have circumstances. seemed out of touch. Closeness to the citizen, a sense of proportion, a For the EU to justify its existence to new commitment to pluralism, and generations of Europeans, its governance must be equipped with 4 The modern concept of subsidiarity was first the necessary tools and resources to articulated by the Commission in 1975 in its contribution to the Tindemans Report.

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