Notes and References Introduction 1. Republican Party Platform, '1980 Republican Platform Text,' Congressional Quarterly Weekly Report 38, no. 29 (19 July 1980}, pp. 2054, 2030, 2052; Roy Gutman, Banana Diplomacy: The Making of American Policy in Nica­ ragua 1981-1987, (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1988), pp. 19-20. 2. James David Barber, 'President Reagan's Character: An Assessment,' in Perspectives on American Foreign Policy: Selected Readings, eds. Charles W. Kegley Jr., and Eugene R. Wittkopf, (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1983), p. 496; Walter LaFeber, America, Russia, and the Cold War 1945- 1990, 6th ed., (New York: McGraw-Hill, Inc., 1991), p. 302; The Commit­ tee of Santa Fe, L. Francis Bouchey, Roger Fontaine, David C. Jordan, Lt. General Gordon Sumner, and Lewis Tambs, A New Inter-American Policy for the Eighties, (Washington, D.C.: Council for Inter-American Security, 1980}, pp. 1, 3, 46, 52. 3. Jeane Kirkpatrick, 'Dictatorships and Double Standards,' Commentary 68, (November 1979): pp. 34, 37; Walter LaFeber, Inevitable Revolutions: The United States in Central America, (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1984), pp. 278-279. 4. Christopher Hitchens, 'A Dynasty Divided,' The Independent Magazine (London), no. 76 (17 February 1990): p. 25; Gabriel Kolko, Confronting the Third World: United States Foreign Policy, I945-1980, (New York: Pan­ theon Books, 1988), pp. 284-285. 5. Peter Kornbluh, Nicaragua: The Price of Intervention, (Washington, D.C.: Institute for Policy Studies, 1987), p. 14; Theodore Roosevelt, fourth annual message to Congress, reprinted as 'Roosevelt Corollary of the Monroe Doctrine, December 6, 1904,' document 28, in Thomas P. Brockway, ed., Basic Documents in United States Foreign Policy (Princeton: D. Van Nostrand Company, Inc., 1957), 72-74; for a contextual history of the doc­ trine, see Cecil V. Crabb, Jr., The Doctrines of American Foreign Policy (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1982), pp. 9-55; see also Walter LaFeber, The American Age: United States Foreign Policy at Home and Abroad since 1750 (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1989), pp. 230-235. 6. Kolko, Confronting the Third World, p. 287; Robert Pastor, cited in James DeFronzo, Revolutions and Revolutionary Movements, (Boulder: Westview Press, 1991), p. 210; Noam Chomsky, Deterring Democracy, (London: Verso, 1991), p. 258. 7. James Dunkerley, Power in the Isthmus: A Political History of Modern Central America, (London: Verso, 1988): pp. 270-271; US Congress, House, Committee on Foreign Affairs, Subcommittee on Inter-American Mfairs Central America at the Crossroads: hearings before the Committee on Foreign Affairs, Subcommittee on Inter-American Affairs, 96th Cong., lst sess., 11-12 September 1979, pp. 24-25, 29. 197 198 Notes and References President Carter had previously stated: I believe that our position with regard to Nicaragua is appropriate. By no means do I attribute the change in Nicaragua to Cuba. I believe the Nicaraguan people are discerning enough to make their own decisions, and our efforts will be appropriately applied, without intervention, so that the voice of the Nicaraguan people can be heard in shaping their own affairs. (Jimmy Carter cited in Manlio Tirado, 'The United States and the Sandinista Revolution,' in Richard L. Harris and Carlos M. Vilas, Nicaragua: A Revo­ lution Under Siege, [London: Zed Books, 1985], p. 203). 8. Dunkerley, Power in the Isthmus, p. 271. The Sandinistas moved early to remove the threat of the forces to their left, because they had independent military power. The 'ultra-leftism' of the Trotskyist organization was often depicted as 'at the service of imperialism.' Leaders from the Nicaraguan Communist Party (PCN) were briefly gaoled and the party was banned from attending the Council of State. Dunkerley points out that their possession of an independent militia was the principle reason for their confinement. When their force was removed, their criticism was tolerated. In the 1984 elections, the PCN won two seats in the National Assembly. (Dunkerley, Power in the Isthmus, pp. 327-328, note 6). During the 1990 elections the Communist Party ran as part of the fourteen party coalition, The United Nicaraguan Opposition (UNO), supported by the United States; William M. LeoGrande, Douglas C. Bennett, Morris J. Blachman and Kenneth E. Sharpe, 'Grappling with Central America: From Carter to Reagan,' in Morris J. Blachman and others, Con­ fronting Revolution: Security Through Diplomacy in Central America (New York: Pantheon Books, 1986), pp. 300-301; Viron Vaky, cited in Kolko, Confronting the Third World, p. 287. The premise, Vaky argued, was that the die had not been cast in Nicaragua. With support for 'non-Marxist elements' the internal situation could 'evolve toward a Mexican rather than a Cuban model.' Tied to the 'West's political economy, a Marxist system can be prevented from consolidating' (Viron P. Vaky, 'Hemispheric Rela­ tions: "Everything is Part of Everything Else,"' Foreign Affairs 59, no. 3, [1981], p. 622); Mark P. Sullivan, Nicaragua: An Overview of US Policy 1979-1986, Congressional Research Service Report for Congress 87-855 F, (Washington, D.C.: The Library of Congress, 13 October 1987): pp. 4-8; Noam Chomsky, Deterring Democracy, p. 313. 9. Ian Smart, 'The Adopted Image: Assumptions about International Rela­ tions,' International Journal (Toronto) 39, no. 2 (Spring 1984): p. 251; William M. LeoGrande, Douglas C. Bennett, Morris J. Blachman and Kenneth E. Sharpe, 'Grappling with Central America: From Carter to Reagan,' in Morris J. Blachman and others, Confronting Revolution, p. 297; Lars Schoultz, National Security and United States Policy towards Latin America, (Princeton University Press, 1987), pp. 143-222, 13 note 18. 10. Lars Schoultz, National Security and United States Policy towards Latin America, pp. 20-21. 11. John A. Booth, and Thomas W. Walker, Understanding Central America (Boulder: Westview Press, 1989), pp. 55--60. For further literature on the historical background and the Soviet presence in Central America see: Walter Notes and References 199 LaFeber,lnevitable Revolutions: The United States in Central America (New York: W. W. Norton and Company, 1993); Jenny Pearce in Under the Eagle: US Intervention in Central America and the Caribbean (London: Latin America Bureau, 1981); Richard Millet's Guardians of the Dynasty: A History of the US Created Guardia Nacional De Nicaragua and the Somoza Family, (New York: Orbis Books, 1977); Ralph Lee Woodward, Jr., Central America: A Nation Divided, (New York: Oxford University Press, 1976); John A. Booth, The End and the Beginning: The Nicaraguan Revolution, (Boulder: Westview Press, 1982); Thomas W. Walker, Nicara­ gua: The Land ofSandino, (Boulder: Westview Press, 1981); George Black, Triumph of the People: The Sandinista Revolution in Nicaragua, (London: Zed Press, 1981). Karl Bermann, Under the Big Stick: Nicaragua and the United States since 1848, (Boston: South End Press, 1986). On the Soviet presence: Cole Blasier, The Giant's Rival: The USSR and Latin America, (Pittsburgh University Press, 1983); The Hovering Giant: US Responses to Revolutionary Change in Latin America, (University of Pittsburgh Press, 1983); Nicola Miller's Soviet Relations with Latin America, 1959-1987, (Cambridge University Press, 1989); Wayne S. Smith, The Russians Aren't Coming: New Soviet Policy in Latin America, (Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1992); Howard J. Wiarda and Mark Falcoff's, The Communist Challenge in the Caribbean and Central America, (Washington, D.C.: American Enterprise Institute, 1987). 12. Booth and Walker, Understanding Central America, pp. 117-120. It should be noted that the Sandinistas initially turned to the United States to stand­ ardize their military after the revolution. The Pentagon endorsed the idea, but Carter during an election campaign opted for the politically beneficial option and rejected the request. (John A. Booth, and Thomas W. Walker, Understanding Central America, p. 120). Ironically, had the administration pursued this course, the United States would have had some power over the Nicaraguan military, by way of controlling, to some extent, the replacement of and spare parts for their equipment. Skidmore and Smith argue that in the post World War II period, following the foundation of both the Rio Pact in 1947 and the Organization of American States in 1948, the military and political alliances commenced a trade of US military equipment and serv­ ices in exchange for strategic raw materials. They state: 'The implications of these new defense arrangements were far reaching. The US was tying Latin America's armed forces into the US web- once possessing American equipment, they would depend on the US for parts, replacements, and ammunition.' (Thomas E. Skidmore, and Peter H. Smith, Modern Latin America, 2nd ed. [New York: Oxford University Press, 1989], p. 350). 13. Cole Blasier, The Hovering Giant: US Responses to Revolutionary Change in Latin America (University of Pittsburgh Press, 1983): p. 233; Lawrence A. Pezzullo, Baltimore, Maryland, letter to author, 18 September 1990; Viron P. Vaky quoted by Lars Schoultz, National Security, p. 45. 14. Raymond Bonner, Weakness and Deceit: US Policy and El Salvador, (Lon­ don: Hamish Hamilton, 1985), pp. 244-254; Lars Schoultz, National Secu­ rity, pp. 9-10, 63. 15. See, for example, Ronald Reagan, 'Central America: Defending Our Vital Interests,' Department of State Bulletin 83, no. 2075 (June 1983): pp. 1-5; 200 Notes and References US Congress.