UNIVERSIDADE ESTADUAL DE CAMPINAS SISTEMA DE BIBLIOTECAS DA UNICAMP REPOSITÓRIO DA PRODUÇÃO CIENTIFICA E INTELECTUAL DA UNICAMP Versão do arquivo anexado / Version of attached file: Versão do Editor / Published Version Mais informações no site da editora / Further information on publisher's website: https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/00330124.2013.781492 DOI: 10.1080/00330124.2013.781492 Direitos autorais / Publisher's copyright statement: ©2013 by Taylor & Francis. All rights reserved. DIRETORIA DE TRATAMENTO DA INFORMAÇÃO Cidade Universitária Zeferino Vaz Barão Geraldo CEP 13083-970 – Campinas SP Fone: (19) 3521-6493 http://www.repositorio.unicamp.br Toward a Spatial Understanding of Staple Food and Nonstaple Food Production in Brazil∗ J. Christopher Brown and Lisa Rausch University of Kansas Veronicaˆ Gronau Luz State University of Campinas Brazilian agricultural census data at the municipal level are used to develop and map a simple index of staple food versus nonstaple food agriculture for Brazil over time (1996–2006). The results show spatial variation in the direction and degree of the shift toward or away from staple food cropping across Brazil. The index is presented as an important methodological step toward a systematic geographic understanding of crop share changes surrounding food versus fuel and other nonfood crop production. Key Words: biofuels, Brazil, food security, food versus fuel. , (1996 2006 ) , : , , , Los datos del censo agropecuario brasileno˜ a nivel municipal se utilizan para desarrollar y cartografiar un ındice´ simple de la agricultura de alimentos esenciales versus la de alimentos no esenciales del Brasil durante un tiempo (1996–2006). Los resultados muestran variacion´ espacial en la direccion´ y grado del cambio hacia cultivos para alimentacion´ esencial, o lo contrario, en Brasil. El ındice´ se presenta como un paso metodologico´ importante hacia un entendimiento geografico´ sistematico´ de cambios hacia un tipo de cosecha compartida que privilegia la produccion´ de alimentos, contra las cosechas para combustibles y otra produccion´ no alimentaria. Palabras clave: biocombustibles, Brasil, seguridad alimentaria, alimentos vs. combustibles. he market for biofuels is growing for a number of nied by numerous consequences for carbon balance, T reasons, including rapidly rising fossil fuel prices, water use and quality, the survival of small farmers alternative fuel use targets, and national security issues and indigenous groups, and biodiversity, among other (Coyle 2007; Goldemberg 2007; Borras, McMichael, human and environmental consequences (Altieri and and Scoones 2010; Brown 2011). Chakravorty, Bravo 2007; Laurance 2007; Naylor et al. 2007; Chaves Hubert, and Nostbakken (2009) reported that approx- et al. 2008; Fargione et al. 2008; Sawyer 2008; Pimentel imately 1 percent of global cropland is dedicated to et al. 2009; Walker 2011). biofuel production, but this percentage was likely to This article makes a contribution toward the effort grow with increases in biofuel demand (data from to track shifts in agricultural area dedicated to food 2004). Many scholars and policy analysts express con- versus fuel production. We first outline the general dif- cern about the socioeconomic and ecological conse- ficulties in tracking shifts in food versus fuel in world quences of the expected increases in the production agriculture. We then discuss the case of food versus of biofuels around the world. These concerns are ex- fuel more specifically in Brazil, a major agricultural pressed generally in what many refer to as the food producer that finds itself often at the center of debates versus fuel crisis literature. Simply stated, authors in about the food versus fuel crisis. Next, we outline a this literature are concerned that promotion and prac- simple systematic approach to the study of food versus tice of agriculture for biofuel production are occurring fuel production changes in Brazil between 1996 and at the expense of land use leading toward food security; 2006 using municipal-level agricultural census data the world’s push to feed cars and trucks is making it and an index that tracks staple food (hereafter, food) more difficult to feed the world’s growing population, versus not staple food (nonfood) agriculture. Finally, now at 7 billion (Brown 2011). Authors of this litera- we identify regional hot spots where crop area is show- ture claim that threats to food security are accompa- ing major shifts to or away from food crop production. ∗ J. Christopher Brown and Lisa Rausch recognize the support of the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences, University of Kansas; the National Science Foundation under Award No. EPS-0903806; and matching support from the State of Kansas through the Kansas Board of Regents. Veronicaˆ Gronau Luz recognizes the support of the Graduate Scholarship Exchange Program, under Award No. BEX: 2039/10–9, of the CAPES Foundation, an agency of the Ministry of Education of Brazil. Thanks also to the anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments. We are especially grateful for many long discussions with Johannes Feddema that led to our modeling of the food/nonfood index on the climatic moisture index he developed with Cort Wilmott. Any errors remain ours. The Professional Geographer, 66(2) 2014, pages 249–259 C Copyright 2014 by Association of American Geographers. Initial submission, April 2012; revised submissions, July and September 2012; final acceptance, September 2012. Published by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC. 250 Volume 66, Number 2, May 2014 Tracking Food Versus Fuel duction to the land tenure rights of both small farmers and indigenous peoples living in the Amazon (Walker If indeed there are shifts in the food versus fuel focus of 2011). Other concerns involve the hydrological issues the world’s agriculture, a number of issues make those related to conversion of land to pastures and fields shifts and their consequences difficult to track. First of (Chaves et al. 2008). Biofuel demand has been shown all, it is necessary to define what is food and what is to be a driver in deforestation, as new lands are incor- fuel. This is not a simple task; take corn, for example. porated into the agricultural landscape to accommo- In the United States, corn ends up in both the human date these increasing demands (Hazell and Evans 2011; food chain, directly or via feed to animals, but it also Walker 2011). Others have raised concerns about the ends up in the ethanol industry for fuel production. high carbon debt of biofuel production, particularly Thus, a rise in corn acreage does not in and of itself when their production involves the conversion of na- mean a shift toward food or fuel. As detailed later, this tive forests and grasslands (Fargione et al. 2008). Brazil problem can be treated by knowing as much as possible has lots of arable land spread across the country, pro- about a given crop’s end uses in the commodity chain. duces most of its own food, has a rapidly growing and Second, even with this issue resolved, we cannot trace changing industrial agriculture sector, and has a pop- how relative acreage changes actually play out spatially ulation that, until recently, maintained relatively tra- in the landscape regarding food versus fuel production. ditional consumption of rice, beans, and manioc as Without a project to map with satellite remote sens- staple foods. Much of the arable land, however, is cov- ing all of the food and fuel production areas of entire ered by biodiverse, carbon-rich forests and grasslands countries or continents, we can never know over large (Aglionby and Minder 2007). Brazil is also a coun- areas whether fuel crop fields are replacing food crop try with large amounts of annual municipal-level agri- fields. Such a shift, however, is not the only way fuel cultural data available online from its Geography and crop production could come at the expense of food Statistics Institute (IBGE). production. With the globalized nature of food and We must consider a number of factors about Brazil- fuel production, increases in fuel production in one ian agriculture, Brazilian diet, and commodity chains area might cause change, affecting food production or to properly identify what are food and fuel crops in having other negative consequences, in areas far away the country. Brazilian dietary concerns are consistent through a number of different mechanisms. For ex- with those of a developed economy—the incidence ample, Laurance (2007) argued that producing corn of obesity and related diseases is now more preva- for ethanol in the United States decreases the global lent than malnutrition (Monteiro, Conde, and Popkin supply of soybeans, perhaps contributing to deforesta- 2002; IBGE 2004, 2010). Brazil grows enough food to tion in distant places such as the Amazon rainforest. be a leading exporter of poultry, beef, orange juice, soy, Many existing quantitative studies that address the re- and sugar (U.S. Department of Agriculture and For- lated issues of food security and changes in crop shares eign Agriculture Service 2011), and it has also been a from food to other uses draw on highly aggregate data leader in the biofuel sector, as evidenced by its success- compiled at a global level or a national scale. Stud- ful and innovative ethanol program (Sachs, Maimom, ies conducted at more local scales are rare (Colbran and Tolmasquim 1987; Goldemberg 2007). Markets and Eide 2008), so the outcomes on the ground, and for soy and corn continue to grow. Food security was possible adaptations of local farming systems to these an important focus of Brazil’s federal government un- global-scale pressures, remain unknown. The scale of der the leadership of President Luiz Inacio´ Lula da analysis of shifts in food versus fuel production must Silva (2003–2010) of the Worker’s Party, even as bio- be flexible to illuminate global to more localized shifts. fuel production and industrial agriculture were actively Despite the difficulties of tracking food versus fuel promoted as well.