Postmodernisation and the Formation of a Postmodern Political Disposition Martin Lloyd Thomas Sheffield University, UK Abstract Capitalist restructuration in advanced capitalist societies – the principal force of postmodernisation - causes socio-cultural displacement. This displacement causes a reorientation or restructuration of traditional norms and values which were previously dominant. Such displacement is conducive to the development and salience of postmodern dispositions. These postmodern dispositions have been mediated by the effect of engagement with the dominant capitalist-liberal combinations of these societies. As a result of this engagement, postmodern dispositions become salient in a mediated form – the postmodern political disposition (PPD). Politics’ engagement of the postmodern political disposition now conditions the strategies politicians and parties are likely to pursue. In this paper I suggest that the postmodern political disposition has three main features. First, a sceptical or agnostic disposition toward epistemology and foundational meta-theoretical narratives. Second, an emphasis on the themes of contextuality, contingency and difference. Third, a commitment to pragmatism and pluralism which favours post-traditional political practices. Introduction Capitalist restructuration causes socio-cultural displacement in advanced capitalist societies (ACS). This is what we understand as postmodernisation. This displacement causes a reorientation or restructuration of traditional norms and values which have been previously dominant. The political consequence of this displacement has been to condition the strategies politicians and parties are likely to pursue. This paper will suggest that as a result of postmodernisation, politics is conditioned in reference to a postmodern political disposition (PPD). This PPD is politically conditioning because as politics engages – and contributes to – a distinctive combination of dispositions, we witness a directional response. This response is largely one of reconciliation and accommodation to the PPD, in a way which is not antithetical to the dominance of the liberal-capitalist socio-economic formation. In the United Kingdom this has been clearest in connection with a reorientation of social democracy within the Labour Party. This paper will not discuss the emergence of ‘New Labour’ in any great detail; but rather those factors which have fed into the creation of a new political climate. In the first two sections the paper will identify the principle forces which contribute to a situation conducive to the emergence of postmodern dispositions. The sections identify the character of those postmodern dispositions which have become increasingly salient in advanced capitalist societies. However, it should be made clear from the outset that this set of postmodern dispositions which we label as the PPD is not postmodernism as such. Rather, it is a mediated variant of it. It is mediated through an engagement of the dominant liberal-capitalist socio-economic formation which had caused its existence. In this paper we shall identify the character and content of this mediation. However, the paper does not seek to assess what postmodern themes might or should be political. Rather, it illustrates what sets of dispositions have become politically salient, and in what ways. Postmodernisation as Capitalist Restructuration Significant trends can be observed in capitalism since 1945. Primary amongst these is the demise of the Fordist-Keynesian configuration which has instituted a period of ‘rapid change, flux, and uncertainty’ . As advanced capitalist economies experienced a so-called ‘collective slow-down’, new forms of economic practice, organisation, and social regulation developed in order to continue to secure the accumulation of profit. We do not propose to intrude upon the extensive debate over the existence of Post- Fordism. Rather, we wish to draw attention to two aspects of capitalist restructuration which are fundamental to postmodernisation. First, the development of cultural industries and the service sector. Second, the globalisation process. Capitalist restructuration has led to the development of various culture industries which have displaced traditional manufacturing industries. In this way, ‘more and more areas get brought within the grasp of the cash nexuses and the logic of capital circulation’ . Additionally, we witness the development of the so-called ‘weightless economy’ of the service sector. For example, it is estimated that by the year 2010 the service sector will account for 80% of economic activity in the UK . Fundamental to capitalist restructuration in the present historical phase is globalisation. Globalisation contributes to displacement in the socio-economic formations of ACS. In combination with the deregulation of the financial markets we have witnessed a ‘dramatic expansion in the extensity and intensity of global financial flows and networks’ . This has contributed to a ‘crisis of representation in advanced capitalism’, which defines ‘a high point of that highly problematic intersection of money, time, and space as interlocking elements of social power in the political economy of postmodernity’. In this situation, ‘postmodernism has come of age in the midst of this climate of voodoo economics’ . However, it is important to point out that the globalisation process is the willing construct of the most powerful capitalist societies. Despite the widespread acceptance of the notion that globalisation has imposed constraints on national government’s macroeconomic policies, governments have encouraged the process, through shifting to a more regulatory influence over economic policy. As such, governments ‘have not proved powerless in the face of overwhelming "globalization" of international finance’. Indeed, it can be argued that markets continue to depend upon governments to regulate their behaviour, given that they are unable to provide ‘equilibrium’ for themselves (see . Postmaterialism Postmodernisation - that is, capitalist restructuration - causes displacement in the socio- economic formations of advanced capitalist societies. It not only throws into question traditional norms and values, it creates the necessary conditions for the increasing salience of postmodern dispositions. One of the most compelling explanations for the development of postmodern dispositions is seen in Inglehart’s theory of postmaterialism. Postmaterialism attempts to explain changes in values in terms of the level of economic security, in combination with a socialisation thesis. It argues that as a result of economic security, combined with intergenerational replacement, individuals are increasingly likely to focus upon or develop ‘quality of life’ concerns. These concerns are post-material in the sense that they tend to be developed after basic economic goals have been achieved. They concern issues such of morality, justice and self-fulfilment; and include political issues such as sexual and racial equality, environmentalism and animal rights. For Inglehart, postmaterialism represents an emerging shift in values to a concern with ‘individual autonomy, diversity, and self-expression’ . However, there is no linear progression to postmaterialist values in society, as periods of economic insecurity can intervene which reduces the proportion and salience of postmaterialist values at any given time. This is particularly at times of high inflation. Nevertheless, for Inglehart, economic insecurity only has a short-term effect on the increasingly salience of postmaterialist values given the strength of intergenerational replacement. None of this is to suggest that economic issue become irrelevant concerns to individuals. Rather it is that cultural issues become more important. As such, economic issues increasingly ‘share the stage’ with postmaterialist concerns. The World Values Surveys show that postmaterialist priorities have increased in 18 out of the 20 societies for which there is comparable data. Indeed, in 1970 Materialists outnumbered postmaterialists by 4:1; but by 1994 this ration had become 1.5:1, creating a situation where postmaterialist values are become almost as salient as materialist values. For example, in the UK alone there was a net shift of +13 toward postmaterialist values. We argue that these values form the basis of the postmodern political disposition (PPD), representing a shift beyond the politics of ‘left’ and ‘right’. This is because the matrix of values to which individuals subscribe, and are socialised into, no longer parallels strict ideological dichotomies of left and right. Value change is most significant as intergenerational replacement occurs. To be sure, a society’s values do not change overnight, and it takes at least fifteen years for a birth cohort socialised into conditions of economic security to enter positions of social and public responsibility . For example, in a recent survey, only 18% of 15-24 year olds expressed a Conservative Party affiliation, in comparison to a 54% affiliation amongst those aged over 55 years (IEA report cited ). Value change means that political parties, particularly those on the left, have had to play the politics of ‘catch-up’ in the sense that they have had to adapt to the new values developing in society. In particular we can observe a shift away from political cleavages based on class, and towards those based on quality of life concerns. As birth cohorts socialised into conditions of economic security enter