Chapter 13 Chinese Christian Communism in the Early Twentieth Century In the future, when we deal with Christianity, we need to have a keen awareness and understanding of it, so that there will be no more confu- sions. What is more, we need to have a rather deep understanding, so that we can cultivate in our veins the lofty and great character of Jesus, as well as his affectionate and profound compassion, so that we may be saved from falling into the horrible, dark and dirty pit.1 chen 2009, 70 Chen Duxiu, from whom this quotation is taken, was along with Li Dazhao one of the founders of the Communist Party of China (Tang 2012). Here he expresses an appreciation of Christianity, especially in terms of the revolution- ary credentials of Jesus Christ, which was not an exception in the early years of the twentieth century in China. Indeed, he would have found such an in- terpretation of a revolutionary Jesus, with variations, among a number of Chi- nese Christian thinkers. These include Wu Leichuan, Shen Sizhuang (J. Wesley Shen), Wu Yaozong (Y.T. Wu), Zhu Weizhi (W.T. Chu), and Zhao Zizhen (T.C. Chao), who were part of a new phase in the history of Christian communism in China, which arose in response to the communist revolution of the twentieth century.2 These Christians thought, wrote and acted in a turbulent and creative time. Not only did the imperial system come to an end with the republican revolution of 1911, and not only was it the time of the hugely influential May Fourth Movement (wusi), but it was also the period when the Communist Party of China was formed, developed and then led the Chinese revolution. In this chapter, I focus on three of the main thinkers who shaped Chinese Christian communism in the twentieth century: Wu Leichuan (1870–1944), Wu Yaozong (1893–1979) and Zhu Weizhi (1905–1999). I seek to identify their responses to the challenges of communism and the genuine breakthroughs they produced.3 1 Unless indicated otherwise, all translations are provided. 2 Although Kwok Pui-lan (2016) attempts to stress these developments (she mentions Wu Yaozong) in contrast to the Euro-American context, her description as ‘postcolonial political theology’ still operates within such a framework. 3 The archival work at the basis of the chapter was done by Chin Kenpa, who was co-author of the original article from which this chapter is drawn. See also his earlier article on Zhu Weizhi (Chin 2013). © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���9 | doi:�0.��63/9789004394773_0�5 <UN> Chinese Christian Communism in the Early Twentieth Century 201 1 Revolutionary Times and Influences Before proceeding, a few comments on background are needed in order to highlight the specifics of the Chinese situation relevant to my study. Three fac- tors are important. First, Christianity had been undergoing a long process of sinification at least since the time of Matteo Ricci in the sixteenth century, the ‘rites controversy’ and struggles over the choice for the name of God (Reilly 2004, 19–53).4 This history was subsequently sidelined with Protestant mission- ary activity in the nineteenth century. Based in Hong Kong and enmeshed with the opium ‘trade’ in an ever-shifting and complex fashion, Christianity was seen by many Chinese as a colonial project and a foreign ideology (yangjiao), thereby being a significant part of the humiliation of China by European impe- rialism. The Opium Wars, the destruction of the summer palace in Beijing, the imposition of unfavourable economic conditions and the religious ideology of a foreign empire – these and more became signals of that humiliation. Second, and in contrast to the connection with European colonialism, Christianity in China had already been associated with revolutionary activity through the Taiping Revolution of 1850–1864. The legacy of this revolution was ambiguous, to say the least. On the one hand, the dynamic of class meant that the revolution gave voice to a deep and long-held hatred of oppression at the hands of landlords under the old system. Further, its resolutely anti-imperial and anti-colonial tenor combined with class conflict to make it the first mod- ern revolution in Chinese history, so much so that those involved in the Repub- lican Revolution of 1911 saw themselves as its heirs and brought to completion what their forebears had begun.5 On the other hand, the disruption and dis- location of the old order brought about by the revolution meant that many – and not only some among the ruling class – saw Christianity itself in this light. This ‘foreign teaching’ was – they felt – not merely colonial but could also tear down Chinese society through revolutionary action.6 Thus, in the latter half 4 Ricci had sought to indigenise Christianity (in its Roman Catholic form) in terms of liturgy, vestments and language, proposing – as mentioned in the previous chapter – that ‘God’ (Yahweh in Hebrew and theos in Greek) be translated with Shangdi (Sovereign on High), the name of the ancient Chinese High God. The Pope took a dim view of such proceedings, mandating by papal decree in 1715 that Tianzhu (Lord of Heaven) should be used. The rift has led to two Roman Catholic churches in China, one recognised by the state but not by Rome, and the other recognised by Rome but not by the state. In 2018, a long overdue agreement was reached between the Vatican and the Chinese government that finally resolved the core issue of the appointment of bishops. 5 Not only was Sun Yat-sen known by the nickname of Hong Qiuquan, but also many of the later revolutionaries wore their hair long in the manner of the Taiping revolutionaries. 6 For a sense of the social impact, see the memoirs of Zhang Daye (2013), who experienced the events as a child. <UN>.