Decolonization: Indigeneity, Education & Society Vol. 4, No. 2, 2015, pp. 103-122 Tensional decolonization and public order in Western Nigeria, 1957-1960 Oluwatoyin Oduntan Towson University Kemi Rotimi Obafemi Awolowo University, Nigeria Abstract Focusing on Western Nigeria during the era of decolonization, this article explores the impacts of decolonization on policing and public order. Specifically, it illustrates how colonial officials and Nigerian nationalists tried to interpret often-unclear policies to fashion a political transition. The granting of internal self-government by the British in 1957 began a complicated transition in which actors struggled over the meanings, opportunities, and fears of forthcoming independence. The tensions generated by contested views of the responsibilities and privileges of new leaders over the control of the transitioning bureaucracy and the police created conditions of instability ahead of the post-colonial state. More broadly, this article demonstrates a different narrative of decolonization from the conventional literature, which depicts decolonization as programmes negotiated and implemented by colonial officers and anti-colonial nationalists. Keywords: Nigeria; political decolonization; policing; public order; British colonialism; history 2015 O. Oduntan & K. Rotimi This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution Noncommercial 3.0 Unported License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/3.0), permitting all non- commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. 104 O. Oduntan & K. Rotimi Introduction The point at which political independence became inexorable marks decolonization apart from broader anti-colonialism. In Nigeria, this point threw up new urgencies and called for adjustments on the part of colonial officials, native staff, the nationalist elite, and the evolving modern political class. The series of constitutional and bureaucratic rearrangements in the political transition were conducted amidst debates over the meanings and implications of the impending order and over new rules of self-government. Despite amalgamation since 1914, the very idea of Nigeria as a political entity remained limited to the major colonial outposts, because until 1945 the colony had been ruled as a collection of native authorities under loose supervision of colonial regional governors, provincial and district officers. As such there were contested visions among those fashioning decolonization about how the new state might look, whether it should conform to British colonial structure, and how it should differ from it (Coleman, 1971; Falola and Heaton, 2008; Oyebade, 2003; Sklar, 2004). Thus decolonization was an era of uncertainties, typified by contested interpretations of rules, and amidst intense struggles to shape post-colonial polity and society. For instance, the control of the police in the maintenance of public order confused those involved in the transition from colonial policing to a decolonized one. Colonial policing under the native administration system focused mainly on preventing rebellion and preserving peace. Impending decolonization raise questions about the roles of the police force, and how public order should differ from colonial order. Simultaneously, administrative restructuring was complicated by long drawn constitutional debates, which slowed the pace at which decolonization policies were implemented. The transition redefined the privileges, inclusions and exclusions of different categories of political actors; such as traditional chiefs who were being displaced by Western educated elites. Furthermore, since decolonization was conceived of as a gradual handing over to Nigerians undergoing tutelage in modern governance, it created a conundrum in which Nigerian trainees held positions which British ‘trainers’ were subordinated to, thus inverting colonial power relations, albeit for a brief period. Intense rivalry among Nigerian elites as independence became imminent generated fears that the instruments of the state could be used for political purposes, and towards securing sectional domination. Far from being a coherent program initiated by imperial officers in negotiation with nationalists, decolonization was marked by much uncertainty, its changing rules were often ambiguous and thus subject to various interpretations in the contestation for power. This article adds a context, which a growing literature on the ambiguities of decolonization has as yet not provided. Commenting on how the historiography on decolonization is lopsided in favour of imperial interpretations, Anthony Green (1992) canvasses that the views of African nationalists and participants in the transfer of power be collected - if necessary through an oral history project – so as not to lose the significant nuances of the phenomenon. James Le Sueur’s (2004) partly addresses this need to overcome the domination of the imperial perspective by collecting a wide variety of perspectives on the nature of decolonization, some from the viewpoints of colonized people. Yet, as Fred Cooper (1996) theorizes, the conceptualization of decolonization as the political incubation through which Tensional decolonization and public order in Nigeria 105 African’s postcolonial states were birthed obscures from its contextual ambiguities, uncertainties, and the tensions that the social and political changes generated. This article presents Western Nigeria as such a context, in which decolonization transcended political transitions and colonial structures to include how British officials and various Nigerians interpreted the changes, and struggled to forge the meaning of decolonization in ways acceptable to them. Going beyond the well-explored histories of constitutional struggles and nationalist resistance, we focus on how decolonization generated controversies over the meanings of public order and the roles of police in securing it. By demonstrating how decolonization was a process involving a shift from a minimalist colonial policing structure to grand visions of independence, we depart from more common assumptions that decolonization was a set of carefully planned and executed programs, and thereby establish that neither the British nor Nigerians had certain knowledge of its outcomes. Our insight into decolonization at the regional (rather than national) level has been aided by colonial documents generated from the Western region. These include correspondences and reports by colonial officials, newspapers, petitions, and transcripts of meetings discussing the impacts of decolonization. Where the dominant records highlight the colonial policy-making process and the consensus among Nigerian nationalists as they negotiated the new state, more regional documents reveal a sense of exclusion from the decolonization process, as well as confusion over policies and how they were to be implemented. The important contribution of this article therefore, is that it adds a case of lived experience to the more overarching “flag decolonization” narrative of decolonization historiography (Hopkins, 2008). Accordingly, rest of the article is divided into three sections. It begins by providing a historical background to decolonization stressing in particular how the granting of internal self- government in 1957 was the turning point from to actual decolonization. It also demonstrates how decolonization was marked by much confusion, mistrust and misunderstanding by major actors. This section is followed by an exploration of the various ways in which the uncertainties of decolonization generated debates and controversies over what public order meant and what roles the police should play in it. It narrates particular instances of tensions in the transitional bureaucracy, in police organization and structures of investigation and deployment. The final section argues that the cumulative effects of these tensions destabilized the region and contributed to Nigeria’s post-colonial crises and conflicts. Internal self-rule: Background to decolonization in Western Nigeria Decolonization in Nigeria occurred in earnest within a timeframe of three years (1957-1960), during which British colonial officers and Nigerian leaders tried to make sense of the loss of authority and new powers and responsibilities, respectively. Prior to 1957, British post- WW2 colonial policy focused on the reform of colonial administration rather than prepare for the collapse of colonial empire. For Nigeria, colonial reforms were initiated through a 1947 Local Government Dispatch in which Arthur Jones, the Colonial Secretary indicated that Western 106 O. Oduntan & K. Rotimi educated Africans were henceforth to become the bedrock of colonial administration at the local level, thus displacing traditional rulers and native administrations through which colonial government functioned to that point (Cell, 2010, p. 6). The edict coincided with and further encouraged nationalist groups, like the Zikist Movement, Nigerian Youth Movement, and labour unions in their radical opposition to colonial policies and demands for constitutional reforms. Constitutional debates in 1951 and 1954 were all conducted on the terms of reforming colonial administration to provide for Western educated Nigerians in local administration rather than the dissolution of British rule. The dominant thoughts remained how nationalists might acquire "difficult art of governing themselves, to train civil services