17 • Mapping Maritime Triumph and the Enchantment of Empire: Portuguese Literature of the Renaissance Neil Safier and Ilda Mendes dos Santos When the Jesuit António Vieira composed his sermons time when the use of the map was anything but figura- and visionary tracts in the middle of the seventeenth cen- tive—a time when the voyages of maritime discovery de- tury, maps great and small emanated like puffs of smoke pended inordinately on maps and charts, fueling the imag- from his fiery prose. The world was ablaze— or might ination of chroniclers and dramaturges, cosmographers eventually catch fire if Vieira’s audience did not heed his and illustrators, poets and their patrons. Influenced by the prophetic warnings—and the map was fodder for the ter- force of these images and affected by his own experiences restrial conflagration, a tool that could encompass and on both sides of the Atlantic, Vieira wielded maps and car- describe the shape of things to come but would ultimately tographic metaphors as a rhetorical scepter to advance his perish in the apocalyptic flames. There would come a day own proselytic aims. Vieira’s sermons allow us to reflect when “the world [would be] in embers,” Vieira wrote in more broadly on the ties between cartography and culture his “Sermão da primeira dominga do Advento” (1650), in the early modern period, which, in this case in particu- and when “nothing can be seen upon this beautiful and lar, draw their roots from the literature of the Portuguese extended map but ashes, relics of [the world’s] grandeur, Renaissance. In his writings Vieira evokes maps of all and proof of our vanity.” 1 In his História do futuro, kinds: material charts that allowed Portuguese pilots to Vieira used cartographic imagery as the central allegory sail successfully around distant capes and across unknown for a new kind of historical writing: a prophetic and mil- seas, cultural maps that reflected biblical readings in an in- lenarian vision in the form of a “prodigious map” that ex- creasingly empirical age, and corporeal maps that con- tended from the present into the future, ending with the flated macro- and microcosmic visions through readings end of the world. The terrestrial globe—and its repre- of the human body. A man of both words and actions, sentation—became a central feature of Vieira’s project, in Vieira constructed a baroque discourse around ideas that which the upper hemisphere represented the past, the were drawn from an age that had redefined astronomical, lower hemisphere the future, and the “middle of each geographical, and pictorial space, raising doubts about the hemisphere... the horizons of time... from which size and scale of the world and the human place in it. The point... we will go to discover new regions and new in- literature of that age reflected an increasing confidence in habitants.” 2 But in the very same text, Vieira employed the human ability to observe, chart, and transform the nat- cartographic metaphors to describe the science of chiro- ural world, but also came to exude a deep uneasiness mancy and the topography of the human hand: “In such about the limits of these achievements. This tension be- a small map, as flat and smooth as the palm of a human tween confidence and uncertainty, between triumphalism hand, the chiromancers not only invented distinct lines and despair—due at least in part to the disruption of and characters, but raised and divided mountains as known geographic, scientific, and philosophical bound- well.” 3 For Vieira, then, the map could shrink from a aries—found a figurative resonance in the supple, even temporal atlas stretching to infinity to a palm-sized inflammable image of the map: an imago mundi still ca- chorography. The flexible scale of the cartographic image pable of being manipulated and transformed to suit the allowed the metaphor to expand or contract depending cultural exigencies of an expanding world. on the needs of the rhetorical moment, while the map’s Renaissance literature acknowledged Portugal largely material adaptability—from human skin to burning em- through its extensive colonial enterprise on land and at bers—gave the orator a limitless range of figurative ges- sea, a presence confirmed through its colorful cartogra- tures to mold and maneuver. It should come as no surprise that literary images and 1. António Vieira, Os Sermo˜ es, ed. Jamil Almansur Haddad (São linguistic devices with cartographic overtones were in cir- Paulo: Ediço˜ es Melhoramentos, 1963), 97. 2. António Vieira, História do futuro, 2d ed., ed. Maria Leonor Car- culation in Vieira’s day among missionaries and merchants valhão Buescu (Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional–Casa da Moeda, 1992), throughout the lusophone world. Vieira inherited much of chap. 1, 51. his geographical vocabulary from language developed at a 3. Vieira, História do futuro, chap. 1, 49. 461 462 The History of Renaissance Cartography: Interpretive Essays phy (mappaemundi, chorographies, and atlases), widely lines and harbors (plate 13). The oldest testament to this translated travel narratives, and a broad range of literary genre—“Este livro he de rotear” (This book is for genres throughout Europe that explored and exalted routemaking)—is included in the “Manuscrito Valentim Lusitania’s pioneering role in broadening the boundaries Fernandes,” a text that brings together descriptions of the of European overseas conquest. The Portuguese maritime coasts and islands of Africa, as well as fragments from the voyages, which began in 1415 with the capture of Ceuta chronicle of Gomes Eanes de Zurara, who wrote the ac- and continued unabated throughout the fifteenth and six- count of the first Portuguese expeditions into Africa.5 The teenth centuries, brought the themes of discovery and rev- roteiro, written by cosmographers in tandem with those elation into the literary lexicon, penetrating the writings who had mastered the seas (e.g., pilots and sailors), ap- of the Renaissance and allowing authors to pose new pears as the maritime equivalent of other Renaissance questions about travel, discovery, and cultural difference guides that construct a dialog between the learned and in a world whose horizons were changing with alarming the uninitiated, guiding readers safely through occult speed. Portuguese literature of the Renaissance was par- worlds based on knowledge and experience. The vocabu- ticularly transfixed by the idea of displacement: whether lary is often technical and highly visual, but approximates through pilgrimage, exploration, purposeful wandering, the earliest poetic forms—the list and the catalog—to be- or forced exile, the rubric of the journey englobed diverse come a nautical inventory that is later transformed into fic- manners of perceiving and dominating new spaces, new tional narrative. places, and new peoples, thereby forcing an interrogation These early accounts place the figure of the pilot at the of the Portuguese subject and his or her relation to the forefront of the nautical narrative, and the pilot’s knowl- outside world. edge, based on practical experience rather than bookish The idea of the “Indies” played a central role in this ex- learning, becomes a literary commonplace as well. Duarte amination of Portuguese cultural identity. More than a ge- Pacheco Pereira, in his “Esmeraldo de situ orbis,” exalted ographical place, the Indies represented a moral and social experience as “madre de todas as cousas” (mother of all space in which two conflicting notions coexisted: on the things), and his formulation of the sea voyage as reveal- one hand, the reformulation of the world map would lead ing novel landscapes and new geographical conceptions is to the triumph of the Portuguese nation; on the other, Por- also woven into the triumphalist histories of the reign of tugal would fall into a chasm of enchanted delusion with Manuel I.6 Indeed, Manuel’s very title is a toponymic its overseas expansion, reflecting the cupidity and vanity tongue-twister: “King, by the will of God, of Portugal, the of human desire. These two poles represent two extremes Algarve... in Africa, Lord of Guinea, and of the Con- of the oft-contaminated literary genres that emerged in quest, of navigation and of the commerce of Ethiopia, of Portugal in response to these new experiences, which Arabia, of Persia, and of India.” In the chivalric novel range from the epic narratives of overseas expansion, ex- Clarimundo (1520), written by the historian João de Bar- emplified by accounts from the carreira da Índia (route to ros, the history of Portugal is presented as a contempla- India) that represent a moral and ultimately heroic use of tive reflection of the globe in its entirety, a catalog of the cartographic imagery as a stand-in for divine providence, cities conquered from Africa to the Indian Ocean.7 And to the more reflective, tempestuous genre of the shipwreck in 1516, Garcia de Resende collected a songbook of court narrative, “prose litanies” that pessimistically evoke the poetry, the Cancioneiro geral, where traditional forms of dangers and dilemmas of the sea and ultimately challenge lyricism are intermingled with exaltations of new lands “the hegemonic vision of empire evident in the accounts of and conquering kings, a topographical index in the form the canonical actors of colonialism.” 4 Alongside the epic of a poetic recital that becomes the lyric verbiage of which masterpiece of Luís de Camo˜ es’s Os Lusíadas and the an entire literature eventually will be composed.8 Experi- itinerant east Asian exoticism of Fernão Mendes Pinto’s ence and geography are thus brought together as build- Peregrinação are Portuguese texts that express emotions ranging from bucolic sentimentalism to hesitation and er- rancy, all of which employ maps and cartographic figur- 4. Josiah Blackmore, Manifest Perdition: Shipwreck Narrative and ations to express the aspirations and deceptions of an ever- the Disruption of Empire (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2002), xx–xxi, quotation on xxi.