MIKE G RIMSHAW University of Canterbury DID GOD DIE IN THE CHRISTIAN CENTURY ? N 1984 AN INTRIGUING INSTANCE of historical and theological revisionism I occurred which rivals the Stalinist’s excision of now uncomfortable events from recent history. What is interesting is that this occurred in an act of celebration, as part of a series of public statements attempting to show just how important, crucial, formative, in-step, in-touch and even up-to-date a popular journal of Protestant theology had been. Celebrating its centenary, The Christian Century ran a series in which crucial events and topics of various decades were revisited showing the changing theological culture of America from 1884 to that present day. So it came to James M. Wall,1 editor of the journal since1972, to address the issues of the period 1962-1971. The title of Wall's review gives a signal of its contents: “Adopting Realism: The Century 1962-1971.” 2But “realism” can be read in different ways. Is Wall’s realism a facing up to the place of Christianity in a decade of secularization? Is it a realization that the “Christian Century” had been lived after Nietzsche proclaimed the death of God, a century where Christianity was challenged by political ideologies and consumer capitalism? Is this review a noting of the theological ferment that had placed theology on the cover of Time magazine, spawned new catchphrases and produced theological bestsellers? Wall does make an oblique note for the initiated, briefly noting the impact of Karl Barth on American theology and Christianity during this period. However the main focus of his review is politics: Vietnam, civil rights and student un-rest. Anyone who had not read the Century 3 over that decade would have gained the impression from Wall’s review that the magazine had been uninvolved 1 The Christian Century Foundation Archives described Wall on his appointment in 1972 as a “Methodist minister, liberal Democrat and editor of The Christian Advocate. ” His editorship is described as “ a period of cautious optimism and recovery” that instituted “a more realistic analysis of religious and secular events honed from on-the-spot coverage…” 5. Christian Century Foundation Archives 1939 -1975. Special Collections/Morris Library Southern Illinois University Carbondale. My thanks to Kimberlee Soo, Administrative Assistant, The Christian Century , who, in response to my email inquiry regarding circulation figures, provided the Archival information in an emailed PDF. 2 James M. Wall, “Adopting Realism: The Century 1962-1971,” The Christian Century vol. 101 no. D12, 1984), 1170-1173. 3 Hereafter in the text and endnotes the abbreviated version of Century will be used. Such usage follows the conventions used by the magazine in discussing itself. 7 GRIMSHAW: Did God Die in The Christian Century ? 8 in, unimpressed by, and uncommitted to the theological rupture of the 1960s “God is dead” and secular theology. Yet for those who had been reading and writing in the Century over that decade, the issues of the death of God, Christian Atheism and secular theology were a constant, and often dominant, presence. The Century , it could be argued, in many ways led the charge, taking the ideas of young theologians who, grappling with the legacy of Nietzsche, Barth and Bonhoeffer, were attempting to theologically critique what was seen as a secular society, and granting them nationwide (indeed international) coverage, debate and discussion 4. Yet such a revisionist stance is true of theology generally. The theological ferment of the 1960s has been hastily written out of theological memory, occupying a place in the theological wardrobe similar to molding old tie-dye shirts, love beads and macramé waistcoats. Liberals and some evangelicals have tended to take the “worship Jesus” option seemingly proposed by William Hamilton while other evangelicals have refused to note the legacy of Barthian transcendence and turned to pneumatics. Fundamentalists have put van Buren on the pyre and continued to read literally in their own image. For the majority of theologians, the “death of God-ers” were firstly too young, and then, later, too old and out of step with a charismatic/evangelical revival. While for many in secular society they turned out to be not secular enough. At a recent international conference in Dunedin, New Zealand on “The Future of Christianity in the West”5 I stressed the point that for those of us (albeit a distinct minority) of a liberal/radical theological position under the age of forty (I was born in 1967) “the death of God” is neither an end point, nor a resolution, nor a departure point out of theology and Church, nor is it a static plateau - but rather it is only our starting point. We began with, were born into, absence and loss. For us it is not the collapse of a previous life and belief, the apocalypse of our theology- nor the invitation or justification to “be with it.” Rather it is a Jacobean moment, similar to how James Der Derian has described Paul Virilio’s techno-theological writings: “…like Jacob, he wrestled with the angel of technology not to prove his disbelief, but to prove his freedom to believe.”6 Although Gabriel Vahanian had published The Death of God in 1961 and Paul 4 In 1965 the Century had reached a subscription peak of 40,000 subscribers. As the Century archives “Historical Sketch” notes, during the 1950s and 1960s the Century “grew to enjoy the distinction of being the most respected religious journal in North America.”4. Christian Century Foundation Archives 1939-1975. Special Collections/Morris Library Southern Illinois University Carbondale. 5 The Future of Christianity in the West: An International Conference 2002. The School of Liberal Arts, University of Otago, Dunedin, New Zealand, 5-8 December 2002. The Keynote speakers were David Martin (LSE) and Robert Wuthnow (Princeton). 6 James Der Derian, “Introduction” in James Der Derian (ed) The Virilio Reader (Oxford & Malden, Mass: Blackwells, 1998), 6. JCRT 6.3 (Fall 2005) GRIMSHAW: Did God Die in The Christian Century ? 9 van Buren, Thomas Altizer and William Hamilton were all writing and teaching in American Universities and seminaries, they failed to make a popular impact. What did was J.A.T. Robinson's popularization of “secular theology” in Honest to God (1963) - and more specifically, the arrival the following year in America of Robinson for a lecture series 7. Robinson arrived as a theological and pop culture celebrity 8- a best-selling Bishop who seemed to be more secular than religious, a bridging point between worlds in tension. Here was a Bishop from an England that suddenly seemed the repository of new ideas, a nascent “swingin’ London.” Here was a clerical version of the British Invasion, the Beatles as biblical scholars, the Stones with a “dog collar.”9 That deference was paid to this clerical visitor over local scholars who had already taken things further was and is no surprise. As Christopher Hitchens has noted, there is a strong tradition in Anglo-American relations of seeing England as acting as Greece to America's Rome. 10 Robinson arrived at Hartford Seminary, Connecticut to give the Purdy Lectures. The invitation had been extended to him as a New Testament scholar. But, in the interim, he had written Honest to God and gone from New Testament scholar to public figure. The Century’s correspondent, Harland Lewis, 11 was determined to present him as the embodiment of a cultural and theological tension. Claiming that dress embodies the man and noting the Bishop’s mix of attire, Lewis stated: So it seemed clear that so far as his attire is concerned the world is a somewhat stronger shaping force than the church. And so it is with his thought. Trying to be loyal to the church yet break out of it, the bishop personified the problem he discussed. 12 The symbol of this intra-world figure, a secular bishop, the doubting bishop, the man from the heart of the Establishment, expressing contemporary concerns is what gave “secular Christianity” and the “death of God” movement its initial cachet—and what became the reason for its excision. The fact that theological speculation could be so accessible, so popular outside the Church, enabled those who opposed it to personify their rejection in terms of rejecting the stock, anti-clerical English figure of the secular cleric with roots back to the “huntin', swearin', drinkin' and wenchin' country parsons” of Georgian England. Robinson needless to say was nothing of the sort- yet the 7 H.G. Lewis, “An Honest To God Reformation”, Century (3 June 1964), “Special Report,” 736-7. 8 See Douglas John Hall’s and Rowan Williams’s discussions as to the impact of Honest to God in John A.T. Robinson, Honest to God 40 th Anniversary Edition, with essays by Douglas John Hall and Rowan Williams (Louisville/London: Westminster John Knox Press 1963/2002). 9 “dog collar” is a colloquial description of a clerical collar. 10 Christopher Hitchens, Blood, Class and Nostalgia; Anglo-American Ironies (New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux, 1990). See especially Chapter One: “Greece to their Rome.” Hitchens notes that such a sentiment is especially strong also within a WASP sensibility. 11 News Correspondent for Connecticut and pastor at First Community Church in Farmington. I have included the locational by-line from the Century for the writers cited as this provides an interesting way to track where interest and dissent was located. 12 Lewis, “An Honest To God Reformation”, 736. JCRT 6.3 (Fall 2005) GRIMSHAW: Did God Die in The Christian Century ? 10 dismissal of him mimicked the high-minded evangelical revulsion of the nineteenth century.